Africa

Reuters 2 July 2004 Africa must end silence on Darfur-Nobel laureate By William Maclean ADDIS ABABA, July 2 (Reuters) - Nigerian Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka denounced African governments on Friday for what he called their silence on Suda n's Darfur crisis and habit of closing ranks in the face of foreign criticism. "The silence of African governments over this issue is unacceptable," Soyinka told a news conference about curbs on the press in Africa. "This business of solidarity with criminality is a contradiction in terms. The African Union, the African nations and the media must denounce what is happening in Sudan today. There is no other word for it but genocide." U.S. officials and human rights groups accuse Khartoum of arming and supporting Janjaweed Arab militias to raid black African villages in troubled Da rfur in a campaign of ethnic cleansing. The Sudanese government denies the accusations and calls the Janjaweed outlaws. The United Nations says two million people have been caught up in the fighting, creating one of the world's worst humanitarian crises. "So we cannot accept this silence of solidarity when there is an evident crime being committed to muzzle the aspiration and salvation of peoples. This is where the African media have a very important role to play," Soyinka said. Soyinka, who became Africa's first Noble Literature laureate in 1986, spent two years in detention in Nigeria for political activities and has been a voice for human rights in Africa since the 1960s. The two-year-old African Union, the successor body to the defunct Organisation of African Unity, which was long criticised as a dictator's club, i s under international pressure to take a lead in peacekeeping in Africa. But few African leaders have spoken publicly about Darfur and an African bloc of countries rejected a strongly worded, U.S.-sponsored motion on Darfur at the UN Commission on Human Rights earlier this year, finally accepting a watered-down version. Developing nations went on to elect Sudan to the Commission, an act that caused U.S. representatives to walk out, expressing dismay that the African grou p had submitted the candidacy of a country that massacred its own citizens in Darfur. Last year the African vote was crucial in resisting a motion to reappoint a U.N. Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Sudan. Soyinka said African solidarity of that kind should be a thing of the past. "We cannot continue to trot out that perennial excuse that criticism will become an instrument in the hands of foreign economic interests," Soyinka said. "When Americans violated the rights of their prisoners in Iraq it is a matter for the entire world. The same standard must be applied to what is happening in Sudan. Is the government culpable or are these (Janjaweed) merely renegades?"

www.afrol.com 8 July 2004 African parliament locates in South Africa afrol News, 8 July - The ongoing African Union summit today decided that South Africa is to host the new pan-African parliament. This was decided after Egypt withdrew its bid. While South African officials show pride in hosting the new parliament, there are growing concerns over the yet to be defined costs. A larger number of African Heads of State are currently gathered in Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital, at the African Union (AU) summit. Here, they have discussed ongoing security problems in Africa, including the Darfur crisis, and have continued on the process of strengthening the AU's institutions. A pan-African parliament was set up and officially inaugurated in Addis Ababa at an AU summit on 18 March this year. The first session of the new parliament was thus held, although only 38 out of the AU's 53 member countries had designated MPs to the inauguration ceremony. By now, 200 MPs have been sworn in, but only 38 countries are still represented. The pan-African parliament is to have very limited powers and will mainly be debating on issues that affect the entire continent. It is loosely modelled on the parliament of the European Union, which has faced criticism by European voters for not transferring sufficient powers to the EU's only democratic institution. Africans may expect the same debate as the parliament starts its sessions. As the parliament was inaugurated earlier this year, two countries, Egypt and South Africa, sought to host the new pan-African institution. Egypt today withdrew its bid, thus making the decision easy. A vote was made unnecessary and it was declared that South Africa was to host the new body. South African Foreign Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma today in Addis Ababa said she hailed the decision and added that South Africa was "happy to serve the continent in that way." Also the speaker of South Africa's parliament, Baleka Mbete, in a statement today welcomed the new body to her country: "We shall work hard to make the institution serve its purposes as a true African parliament." Critical voices have however already been heard in South Africa as there do not exist plans for the funding of the new body. It is generally assumed that South African tax payers will have to assume responsibility of the pan-African parliament - which has led many South Africans to question the purpose of the new body without powers. The pan-African parliament in its first sessions also has contributed to this scepticism. MPs have failed to agree upon the means of funding the new body's activities and have failed to distance themselves from dictatorships like Zimbabwe. This has cost the new body a large amount of trust even before it gets grounded in South Africa. In other developments at the AU summit in Addis Ababa, the state leaders yesterday elected Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo as the Union's new Chairman for the next year. President Obasanjo becomes the AU's third Chairman, following the Presidents of South Africa and Mozambique. The daily leadership of the AU however remains with the Chairman of the African Commission, Malian ex-President Alpha Omar Konaré. By staff writer

AP 8 July 2004 AU Demands an End to Darfur Bombings Associated Press July 08,2004 ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia (AP) - African leaders pressed Sudanese President Omar el-Bashir Thursday to halt airstrikes against civilians and disarm the Arab militiamen who have killed thousands of people in the Darfur region and forced more than a million black Africans to flee, an African Union spokesman said. The presidents of Nigeria, Chad and South Africa met el-Bashir Thursday to discuss plans to improve security in Darfur in a bid to encourage refugees to return to their homes and facilitate distribution of humanitarian aid to victims of the violence, spokesman Adam Thiam said. The leaders pressed el-Bashir to immediately stop airstrikes against civilians in Darfur using Antonov transport planes and helicopter gunships, the African Union Commission Chairman Alpha Oumar Konare said after the meeting with el-Bashir. Civilians who fled attacks have said they were chased from their homes by aircraft and armed men in pickup trucks and on horses and camels. ``We have asked for an immediate stop to the bombing,'' Konare told reporters. U.N. officials and human rights groups have accused el-Bashir's government of backing the Arab militiamen - known as the ``Janjaweed,'' or horsemen - in a violent campaign to expel African farmers from the France-sized region. U.N. officials have called the situation in Darfur the worst humanitarian crisis in the world and say that thousands of people have been killed and more than a million others have been forced from their homes. Most of the refugees have taken shelter in makeshift camps along the Chad-Sudan border. Sudan denies the allegations, but last week el-Bashir promised U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan and U.S. Secretary of State Collin Powell - both of whom were visiting the country - that his government would disarm the militia. ``Improving the security conditions is a serious matter because the main obstacle to the return of refugees is the fear of attacks'' by the militias, Thiam told The Associated Press. In Thursday's meeting, South African President Thabo Mbeki, Nigeria's Olusegun Obasanjo, Chad's Idriss Deby and Konare met el-Bashir to discuss how peace and stability should be restored in Darfur. They discussed security plans that include increasing the number of the unarmed African military observers to monitor an April cease-fire between the government and Darfur insurgents. The plan also aims to disarm the government-allied Janjaweed militiamen, who are accused of committing the bulk of the atrocities, and putting rebel forces into camps, Thiam said. ``We are talking of a very serious humanitarian crisis in Darfur which has to be solved very urgently and it is the responsibility of the government of Sudan to address it,'' Thiam said. The African Union said Monday it also plans to send some 300 troops to Darfur to work with the unarmed monitors and protect people displaced by the violence. The force ``would not sit by idly'' while atrocities continue, Konare said. Darfur is a France-sized region in western Sudan. ``They do not have the mandate to prevent (attacks) but it doesn't mean they are going to sit idle with their hands folded,'' Konare said. The Sudanese government promised to cooperate with the force, Konare said, without elaborating. African leaders ``have got a very strong commitment from el-Bashir that they (Sudanese authorities) would disarm the Janjaweed and the rebels and to have a monitoring team to make sure that it is implemented,'' said African Union spokesman Desmond Orjiako. In other business on the final day of the African Union summit, heads of state from 38 countries agreed that the new Pan-African Parliament would be based in South Africa after Egypt withdrew a rival bid to host the continental legislature.

News 24 SA 28 June 2004 www.news24.com African court a long way off 2Cape Town - The African Court for Human and Peoples' Rights, one of the main organs designed to deal with human rights abuses on the African continent, is struggling to see the light of day. Commentators are suggesting it could only be formed next year, more than 12 months after its intended establishment. "We may have in place significant principles, but the mechanisms still need to be worked out," says advocate Brian Spilg, human rights convenor of the General Council of the Bar of South Africa. Bearing this in mind, Spilg says it will be premature for the judges who will serve on this body to be appointed by the proposed July date. His understanding is that appointments will only follow after the seat of the court is decided at the African Union Summit in July. Spilg says it is essential that there is a transparent process for the nomination and election of judges, based on fair representation for the legal systems on the continent, including securing proper gender balance. The court will see 11 judges serving on it, one permanent member and 10 temporary members doing duty when the need arises. The establishment of the court, first proposed during the 1960s, only became a real possibility in 2004 when 15 countries, including South Africa, ratified the 1998 protocol paving the way for the court to be established. According to Spilg, no procedural rules for the court have been worked out yet, so presiding officers have no guidelines to act when confronted with cases. "What happens in the case of a human rights violation, who can bring it, what procedural laws will apply and what kind of sanctions can be imposed?" he asks. The location of the court is still undecided, with front-runner countries including Senegal, South Africa and Ethiopia. Spilg describes the establishment of the "supercritical" as an imperative, with regard to the "unfortunate number of despotic regimes with lack of accountability" - a trend Africa is trying to eradicate with its New Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad). However, Spilg says getting AU states to support the process is going to be the litmus test. This despite the fact that all 53 African countries belonging to the AU are parties to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. "Unless far more countries submit to the scrutiny of the African Court, it is unlikely that we will see the socio-economic upliftment envisaged by Nepad," says Spilg. Edited by Anthea Jonathan

AI INDEX: IOR 30/018/2004 6 July 2004 AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL Public Statement AI Index: IOR 30/018/2004 (Public) News Service No: 169 6 July 2004 African Union: Assembly should establish an effective African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights The African Union (AU) Assembly of Heads of State and Government meeting in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia should ensure the establishment of an effective and functioning African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights (African Court), Amnesty International urged today. Since its adoption on 10 June 1998, Amnesty International has consistently called on AU member states to ratify the Protocol establishing the Court, to nominate competent, independent and impartial judges to the Court, and provide the Court with sufficient resources once it is fully established and ensure full cooperation with the Court. The Protocol provides for the establishment of a human rights court with jurisdiction to hear cases challenging violations of the civil and political rights as well as economic, social and cultural rights guaranteed under the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (African Charter) and relevant human rights instruments. Under Article 3 of the Protocol, the Court is empowered to judge whether a state party has violated any of the rights contained in the African Charter, or any other relevant human rights instruments ratified by the state concerned, for which the victim seeks redress. As of 29 June 2004--more than six years after the adoption of the Protocol, only 18 of the 53 AU member states have ratified the Protocol. Of these, only Burkina Faso has adopted a declaration that would grant direct access to individuals and NGOs before the Court. Moreover, only ten states have nominated judges to the Court. "The current AU summit provides another opportunity for the Assembly to live up to its promises made during earlier summits to ensure a speedy ratification of the Protocol and to increase the protection of human rights in Africa. These commitments are consistent with the Constitutive Act of the AU, which attaches particular significance to human rights," Amnesty International said. The effectiveness of the Protocol will continue to be undermined by the refusal of governments that have ratified it to make declarations that would allow individuals and NGOs direct access to the Court. Clearly, concrete actions by many African governments are needed to ensure the effective implementation of the Protocol and the full operationalization of the African Court. Amnesty International urges the AU Assembly to use its Third summit to take important decisions that translate its previously expressed commitments into reality. Specifically, AU member states that have not yet done so should: ratify without delay the Protocol establishing the African Court. In addition, AU member states, including those that have already ratified the Protocol, should make declarations accepting individual and NGO access to the African Court. review their legislation and practice, to ensure that these fully conform with the Protocol. ensure that the judges to be elected into the African Court have the relevant expertise for their position. States should also ensure adequate gender balance and representation of the different regions and legal systems in the AU. Member states should ensure a transparent nomination and selection procedure that is open to all potential candidates; they should encourage applications from female candidates, and encourage civil society organizations to participate at all stages of the nomination process. provide essential resources, including funding to the African Court once fully established. The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights should also be given adequate resources to carry out its task effectively. ensure that the African Court is allowed to function independently, impartially and effectively, and to develop its own case law. take all necessary steps to cooperate fully with the African Court, including by according high priority to the prompt compliance with the judgments and decisions of the Court. ensure that interested people are given the opportunity to be heard and to be represented by legal counsel if they cannot afford one. Also, parties and witnesses who appear before the Court should be protected and not be made to face retribution. Background The AU was established on 11 July 2000 in Lomé, Togo, following the adoption of its Constitutive Act. The AU is the successor to the defunct Organization of African Unity (OAU), in existence since 1963. The meeting in Addis Ababa is the Third Summit of the Assembly. The AU Assembly is the supreme organ of the Union. The Assembly determines the common policies of the AU; monitors the implementation of those policies and ensures compliance by all AU member states. The Protocol establishing the African Court was adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in June 1998. The African Court will operate side by side with the African Commission, and not replace it. As the Preamble to the Protocol states: "the attainment of the objectives of the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights requires the establishment of an African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights to complement and reinforce the functions of the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights." The African Charter, which entered into force on 21 October 1986, has been ratified by all the AU member states. While the African Commission has an elaborate promotional mandate under the African Charter, it does not possess sufficient protective powers to ensure states parties' compliance. Despite some positive developments in the Commission's individual complaint mechanism, the decisions it renders are non-binding, and still attract little, if any, attention from governments of member states. Amnesty International has for several years campaigned for ratification of the Protocol. Only the following entities have the right of direct access to the Court: the African Commission; the State party which has lodged a complaint to the Commission; the state party against which a complaint has been lodged at the Commission; the state whose citizen is a victim of human rights violations and African Intergovernmental Organizations. Similarly, a State that has an interest before the Court could request permission from the Court to join in the proceedings. NGOs with observer status before the African Commission and individuals may only institute cases before the Court if the State against which they want to proceed has made a declaration accepting such NGO and individual submission of cases. Without such declaration, the Court would not, under any circumstance receive any petition from an NGO or individual.

On the African Court - See Mali

Bostwana

BBC 5 July 2004 Kalahari bushmen fight eviction Almost all of the bushmen have been resettled outside the game reserve More than 200 bushmen from the Kalahari desert are taking the Botswana government to court over their forced eviction from ancestral land. They are challenging a 2002 decision to resettle them outside the Central Kalahari Game Reserve, which was their home for tens of thousands of years. Activists say Monday's action could be a test case for the rights of bushmen across southern Africa. Almost 200 bushmen have returned to the reserves despite the resettlement. We are determined to remain on our ancestral land Activist Mathambo Ngakaeja The government says the resettlement has been good for the bushmen, providing them with the benefits of the modern world. But the British newspaper, the Sunday Telegraph, reports that while the authorities have tried to highlight the benefits of the programme most of the resettled people were living on state rations in a village stricken by unemployment, alcoholism and sexual crimes. The UK-based group Survival International, which has supported the bushmen's case, says the indigenous people were driven out to make way for diamond mining. 'Land trampled on' Botswana's highest court is hearing the case in New Xade, a purpose-built settlement for the bushmen in a remote desert enclave. It will begin with an "inspection in loco" of the resettlement centres and communities in the game reserve to which bushmen have returned. Mathambo Ngakaeja, co-ordinator of the Botswana chapter of the Working Group on Indigenous Minorities in Southern Africa, said his people were determined to stay on their ancestral land. "The government has trampled on our land, and terminating basic and essential services is tantamount to forced evictions," he told AFP news agency. "We seek the courts to declare that those who had been effectively forced to move due to the termination of services, should be returned to the CKGR." Botswana President Festus Mogae has dismissed the demands as "nonsense", saying that the bushmen's nomadic way of life was a "vestige of the past". The bushmen took the case to court two years ago but it was dismissed on a technicality. Last month they won the right to have their case heard again.

BBC 12 July,2004 Botswana bushmen seek redress By Alastair Leithead Central Kalahari Game Reserve The bushmen's way of life has changed A group of bushmen from Botswana who claim the government illegally evicted them from their ancestral lands have gone to court. The Central Kalahari Game Reserve used to be home to thousands of bushmen, widely accepted as the indigenous people of Botswana. Now only 100 or so remain after a government resettlement programme. The government says it could no longer afford to provide services to the bushmen in remote parts of the desert. 'Homes burnt' The case began at a temporary courtroom in New Xade, the biggest of the villages outside the Central Kalahari Game Reserve, where the bushmen have been relocated to. Representatives of the Basarwa community - as they are known in Botswana - will describe how water supplies were cut off by the government to force them out of the reserve, and houses were burned down. The Basarwa community is recognised by many internationally as the indigenous people and claim a right to stay on their ancestral land. But the government argues it has become just too expensive to provide services such as water supplies to remote parts of the Kalahari, and that they need to be moved to more accessible areas where education and support can be provided. Reserve visit The judges, lawyers and court officials spent four days travelling through the reserve to establish how the San live today ahead of the case. It is clear they no longer live a traditional hunter-gatherer lifestyle, and keep domesticated animals in the reserve - something the government says is to the detriment of the wildlife and should not be allowed in the reserve. The case is expected to drag on for many weeks; the President of Botswana, who has appointed one of his special advisers to fight the government's case, said if they lost they would appeal until they emerged victorious,

www.survival-international.org 14 July 2004 e-news from Survival International, supporting tribal peoples worldwide. Founded in 1969, registered charity (UK) no. 267444 Botswana: Government will 'change constitution to get its way' The Botswana government said yesterday that if it loses the current court case being brought by the Bushmen for the right to return to their land it would 'change the law, or amend the constitution, to get its way.' The 'senior government source' was quoted in the UK's Daily Telegraph newspaper on 13th July. Survival's Director Stephen Corry said in response, 'This is extremely disturbing news, with grave overtones for justice throughout all Botswana. What's the point of an independent judiciary if the government simply changes the constitution when it doesn't agree with a judgement? Botswana's image as the 'shining light' of Africa is dimming rapidly.'

Burundi

AFP 15 Jul 2004 Up to 15 civilians massacred by rebels: army BUJUMBURA, July 15 (AFP) - As many as 15 civilians were massacred in an attack south of Burundi's capital Bujumbura by the Hutu rebel National Liberation Forces (FNL), the army and residents said on Thursday. The attack occured in the early hours of Wednesday in the town of Mukike some 40 kilometers (25 miles) south of the capital in the area where the FNL has been most active. "The FNL infiltrated an enclosure on Rurambira hill and massacred a man, two woman and three children with small hoes," army spokesman Adolphe Manirakiza told AFP. The governor of rural Bujumbura province, Ignace Ntabarirarana, confirmed his account. But several of the residents of the Rurambira area said 15 people had been killed by the rebels. "The FNL wants to take revenge on the population," said one resident who asked not to be named. The head of the United Nations mission in Burundi, Carolyn McAskie, who is due to have her first meeting with the FNL in the coming days, has said obtaining a ceasefire is a top priority. The FNL is the last rebel group opposing Burundi's power-sharing Hutu-Tutsi government. More than 300,000 people have been killed in Burundi since civil war erupted in the east African country in 1993.

News24.com SA 15 July 2004 Burundi rebels massacre 15 Bujumbura - As many as 15 civilians were massacred in an attack south of Burundi's capital Bujumbura by the Hutu rebel National Liberation Forces (FNL), the army and residents said on Thursday. The attack occurred in the early hours of Wednesday in the town of Mukike some 40km south of the capital in the area where the FNL has been most active. "The FNL infiltrated an enclosure on Rurambira hill and massacred a man, two woman and three children with small hoes," army spokesperson Adolphe Manirakiza said. The governor of rural Bujumbura province, Ignace Ntabarirarana, confirmed his account. But several of the residents of the Rurambira area said 15 people had been killed by the rebels. "The FNL wants to take revenge on the population," said one resident who asked not to be named. The head of the United Nations mission in Burundi, Carolyn McAskie, who is due to have her first meeting with the FNL in the coming days, has said obtaining a ceasefire is a top priority. The FNL is the last rebel group opposing Burundi's power-sharing Hutu-Tutsi government. More than 300 000 people have been killed in Burundi since civil war erupted in the east African country in 1993. Edited by Anthea Jonathan

Cameroon

Cameroon Tribune (Yaoundé) 13 July 2004 Civil Society Drilled On Human Rights By Esther Azaa A three-day training seminar on the eradication of racism and xenophobia in Central Africa opened yesterday in Yaounde. Organized by the U.N Sub-Regional Centre for Human Rights and Democracy in Central Africa, the seminar is co-chaired by the Director of the Centre, Ambassador Teferra Shiawl and the Minister Delegate at the Ministry of External Relations in charge of the Commonwealth, Ndion Ngute. For three days, participants at the seminar would be drilled on human right laws particularly on the role of the civil society in the implementation of the Durban plan of action, following one of the resolutions taken during the Durban World Conference in August 31st to September 8, 2002. Speaking while presiding at the opening ceremony, Minister Ndion Ngute lauded the efforts of the civil society and NGOs involved in human rights. He called on them to reflect on the strategies for a better follow up of the Durban resolutions, and its implementation. He pointed out that the government is preoccupied with the maintenance of peace in the country. "The seminar would help to sensitize the population on the importance of consolidating peace in the Sub-region," he explained. Teferra Shiawl, on his part, said Cameroon is a good example of a peaceful environment. He explained that the country has successfully consolidated peace irrespective of its diversified ethnic groups. "The Durban plan of action calls for every measure to fight racism", he said. Adding that, racism leads to underdevelopment. "Consequently, the malaise must be cut right from its roots", he emphasised. Mr. Teferra said intolerance leads to genocide as witnessed in some parts of Africa. To that effect, issues that have been identified as threats to social peace were handled at the seminar. Particular emphases were laid on issues of racial discrimination. Participants at the seminar are expected to identify the causes of racial discrimination in Central Africa. They would build up a strategy for the implementation of the Durban plan of action, as well as examine the national rules and regulations in the protection of human rights. NGOs involved in the protection of human rights as well as researchers in racial discrimination, are also expected to take part. The seminar ends tomorrow.

Chad

AFP 25 Jul 2004 Two Darfur refugees killed in Chad amid tensions with aid groups: UN ABECHE, Chad, July 25 (AFP) - Two Sudanese refugees from the war-torn Darfur region staying in a camp in Chad were shot dead in clashes with local security forces amid rising tensions with aid workers, the United Nations said Sunday. The fatal clashes on Thursday came 10 days after UN and other aid workers were forced to leave the camp of Forchana accommodating nearly 12,000 people in the east of Chad when refugees started throwing stones at them. A spokesman for the Office of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) in Abeche, some 70 kilometres (45 miles) west of Forchana, said that weapons caches had been found at the camp and 19 people had been arrested. Sixteen of the detained were Sudanese refugees from Darfur, while two were Chadian nationals and the other was Saudi national who was said to be preaching holy war within the camp. Refugees had hurled stones at UN and NGO aid workers on July 13 when the UN started planting trees in the camp, which they took as a sign that they could be staying in the camp for a long period of time, said spokesman Eduardo Cue. There are 11,800 people in the camp, mostly "semi-nomadic people who could feel that they have been wronged", said Cue. The Chadian authorities started negotiating with the refugees but sent in security forces after this failed to bear any fruit. It was in the course of this operation that a man and a woman were killed in unspecified circumstances. According to a UNHCR official, the situation in the camp is still "very tense" but it is hoping to resume its operations in Forchana in the coming week. The crisis in the Darfur province, which borders onto Chad, started when rebel groups rose up against Khartoum in February 2003, claiming that the mainly black African region had been ignored by the Arab government. In return, the government and its loyal Janjaweed militias responded with a brutal armed crackdown that aid and rights groups have called a massive campaign of ethnic cleansing. UN emergency relief coordinator Jan Egeland has said the death toll could be as high as 50,000. About 1.2 million people have been forced from their homes during the 17 months of conflict, and some 200,000 have taken refuge in Chad. The incident at the Forchana was not the only example of violence against aid organisations, as two humanitarian workers were stabbed in the Brejing camp on July 16, leaving several officials speaking of "provocative elements" in the camps. The Brejing camp accommodates nearly 30,000 people and is said by the UN to be massively overcrowded.

UN High Commissioner for Refugees 27 Jul 2004UNHCR back in Chad's violence-hit camps; completes transfer from border town ABECHE, Culy 27 (UNHCR) - The UN refugee agency has resumed work at two troubled camps in eastern Chad and completed the transfer of Sudanese refugees from a border town to another camp in the north. Over the weekend, UNHCR and its partners returned to Farchana and Breidjing camps after being ordered by the Chadian government to withdraw temporarily due to unrest over the last two weeks in which two refugees were killed. The agencies had met with the local authorities and refugee leaders at both sites on Saturday and agreed that humanitarian work could resume safely. Water supply in Farchana, home to 11,800 Sudanese refugees, was restored on Thursday following a two-day cut-off due to the incidents. Breidjing camp now hosts 30,000 registered refugees as well as an estimated 5,000 who have arrived on their own at the site and have not yet been integrated into a camp. The latter group will receive food once the Chadian government refugee agency, CNAR, completes their registration in a few days. There will also be a general food distribution for the rest of the camp this weekend. "The Breidjing site cannot support such a large number of refugees, so we are planning to move those who arrived on their own to other camps," said UNHCR spokeswoman Jennifer Pagonis at a news briefing in Geneva on Tuesday. "We will also move some of the registered refugees to another camp to help ease the pressure on Breidjing." Further north, UNHCR has completed the transfer of refugees from the border town of Bahai to Oure Cassoni camp. The agency has begun moving refugees from nearby Cariari, which should be completed by the end of the week. The total number of refugees in these two border towns now seems to be lower than expected based on the figures provided by CNAR. So far, UNHCR is accommodating a total of more than 140,000 refugees who have moved from the insecure Chad-Sudan border to the nine camps in eastern Chad. There is a separate group of 14,800 refugees registered by CNAR at the site of Am Nabak, where there is insufficient water to establish a camp. They have been receiving some assistance and UNHCR has been offering to move them from Am Nabak to Mile camp. The refugees were reluctant at first, but have now indicated they would be willing to move to another site. The UN agency is trying to identify a location to accommodate them. Meanwhile, UNHCR's emergency airlift to Chad continues, with flights from Spain, Sweden and Denmark expected to arrive this week with vehicles, water buckets, tents, generators, fuel bladders and other relief items. The final flight of an airlift of 16,100 tents from Pakistan to Chad will arrive later today in the Chadian capital, N'djamena. .

Cote d'Ivoire

29 Jun 2004 Ivory Coast president, opposition hold first talks in three months by Laurent Banguet ABIDJAN, June 29 (AFP) - Ivory Coast's political opposition met President Laurent Gbagbo on Tuesday for the first time in three months, with high hopes that a rebel boycott of the talks will not impede efforts to reconcile the troubled African cocoa giant. The day of talks, split into two parts, aimed to revive a moribund French-brokered peace pact signed in January last year to reunite the rebel-held north and the ferociously partisan south after a failed coup against Gbagbo plunged the country into war. Top on the agenda was the restoration of normal government function, suspended since opposition ministers quit attending cabinet meetings to protest a deadly state-sanctioned crackdown on a pro-peace rally in March that left at least 120 dead according to a UN human rights team. Key demands from the loosely-aligned opposition coalition known as the G7 were the reinstatement of three ministers sacked by the president in the wake of the walk-out. They also sought security guarantees amid new tensions in the main city Abidjan following incursions by both sides into the ceasefire zone slashed across the center of the country. On the ruling party's side was the continued insistence that the rebels disarm before the peace pact, which addresses key catalysts of the war including land ownership and national identity, is fully implemented. Tuesday's talks came barely a week after a UN Security Council delegation traveled to Abidjan bearing a stern message for the main protagonists in the crisis that has pummeled the economy that has been a driver of the west African economic engine. Should there be no tangible progress towards reconciliation and the outbursts of violence continue, Ivory Coast could be hit with targeted sanctions, diplomats said, including travel bans and the freezing of bank accounts. Pronouncing that the president was a "dilettante" responsible for the Ivory Coast impasse, the rebels announced their boycott Monday, saying they refuse to sit down with Gbagbo without mediation by the United Nations. UN peacekeepers have been deployed in Ivory Coast since April and have been seen by Gbagbo partisans to favor the rebels and the opposition. A UN spokesman said Tuesday that the request had been declined. Little emerged in the break between sessions, though it seemed unlikely that much progress would be made despite the stated intentions from all sides prior to the opening of discussions, which were expected to continue Wednesday. "(The opposition) told President Gbagbo that it was up to him to act, as a show of faith so that government function would be restored," a source close to the talks told AFP on condition of anonymity. "Laurent Gbagbo said he has already done a lot." Regional leaders fear that continued unrest in Ivory Coast could bleed over its porous borders, reigniting conflict in next-door Liberia, itself emerging from 14 years of war, or destabilizing northwestern neighbor Guinea. While Ghana, to the east, has reaped some benefits from Ivory Coast's struggle -- including higher traffic at its expanding Tema port -- President John Kufuor has been key to regional mediation efforts under the aegis of the 15-member Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which he currently leads. The Ghanaian capital Accra is to host a third summit of Ivorian political actors in coming days, local media reported, with Kufuor and Gabonese President Omar Bongo, considered a key Gbagbo ally, mediating.

ICG 12 July 2004 Cote d'Ivoire: No Peace in Sight Lack of good faith on the part of all sides in the Côte d'Ivoire peace process is jeopardising the October 2005 elections and could cause the war to spread to neighbouring countries. None of the parties to the January 2003 Linas-Marcoussis Accords has shown the will to break the impasse and compromise on key issues of nationality, eligibility for elections, and disarmament. Meanwhile, profits from the shadowy war economy are benefiting almost everyone except ordinary citizens, making progress even less likely. If there is to be any chance of peace, the international community, and especially the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), needs to take on the spoilers more assertively and openly, and end impunity for the perpetrators of continued violence. ICG reports and briefing papers are available on our website: www.icg.org

DRCongo

AP 2 July 2004 Congo hopes court will bring justice after years of killing By DANIEL BALINT-KURTI, Associated Press Last Updated 2:49 pm PDT Friday, July 2, 2004 KINSHASA, Congo (AP) - Recovering from five years of conflict that were Africa's deadliest ever, Congolese see a glimmer of hope for justice with the International Criminal Court's investigation into atrocities that could range from ethnic killings to cannibalism. Congo expects the first investigators within weeks, although the court will not confirm it. The Hague, Netherlands-based tribunal will be looking only at alleged crimes committed since its establishment in July 2002, shortly after a peace deal in South Africa paved the way for the end of most fighting in Congo's 1998-2002 war. The conflict claimed the lives of more than 3 million people. The investigation will be the court's first, and the tribunal will have plenty to look into. Potentially, all the main players in Congo's fighting could be targeted, including troops loyal to Congolese President Joseph Kabila. The court also is likely to look at the roles played by Uganda and Rwanda and abuses by a host of rebel groups - including massacres, child rapes and cannibalism. Congolese Foreign Minister Antoine Ghonda said his government welcomed the investigating team. Asked whether he was worried the court would look at any government abuses, he said: "Let them come first, and then we'll see." Rebel officials have expressed a willingness to work with investigators. "We are completely open and ready to collaborate with any investigators the International Criminal Court may send over," said Baya Ramanzi, an aide to Jean-Pierre Bemba, whose former rebel group, the Congolese Liberation Movement, was backed by Uganda during the war. A postwar power-sharing deal made Bemba one of four vice presidents under Kabila. Bemba's group continued fighting in the troubled northeastern Ituri province after the 2002 peace accord. A U.N. team reported "massive rapes," forced labor, and cannibalism in the province during that campaign. The court has said Ituri will be a major focus of investigation. Since 1999, fighting in Ituri has killed more than 50,000 people and forced 500,000 to flee their homes, according to the United Nations and human rights groups. Fighting is largely between rival ethnic Hema and Lendu militias. U.S.-based Human Rights Watch said in a report last year that there also have been reports of rapes, mutilations and cannibalism "meant to bring ritual strength to perpetrators." Last week, U.N. troops arrested two warlords, one of whom stands accused of recruiting child soldiers. The United Nations has some 10,500 peacekeepers in Congo, mostly in Ituri. In Congo's capital, Kinshasa, residents said they wanted justice. "The aggressors must be punished," said Siska Mangouma, 25, a mother of two who earns a living selling grilled plantains by the roadside. "They make us suffer for nothing." Landlord Leonard Tshima, 55, said the prosecution of even a handful of war criminals in Congo would set an example. "If you punish two, three or four of the big criminals, the others will be afraid," he said. "The real pity is that they are only going back to 2002, whereas the biggest crimes were committed before then." Congo's war started in 1998 when Rwanda and Uganda backed Congolese rebels in a bid to overthrow Congo's government, accusing it of harboring Hutu militias responsible for the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia entered the war on Congo's side. Fears were raised of a new war last month, when renegade troops with links to Rwanda seized the eastern, gold-trading center of Bukavu for eight days. Fighting has subsided for now.

Reuters 10 Jul 2004 1 Congo troops kill 10 Rwandan militiamen-commander KINSHASA, July 10 (Reuters) - Congolese troops killed 10 Rwandan Hutu militiamen who attacked them in the east of Democratic Republic of Congo on Saturday, the local military commander said. "The rebels attacked my troops at Katwa, 50 km (30 miles) north of Goma," General Obedi Rwibasira told Reuters by phone, adding that three of his men had been wounded. "So far we have killed 10 of them and captured seven submachine guns, but the fighting continues as we speak." Goma is the capital of North Kivu, a province that has been the scene of repeated clashes with the Hutu militias known as Interahamwe who took part in Rwanda's genocide in 1994 and fled to eastern Congo. Rwanda invaded Congo in 1996 and 1998, arguing that it had to destroy the rebels who posed a threat to its Tutsi-led government. Rwandan troops officially withdrew in 2002 but Kigali says it retains the right to return if the government or U.N. soldiers fail to disarm the estimated 10,000 rebels who remain.

observer.guardian.co.uk New warlord opens Congo's old wounds Rory Carroll in Ntendeza, Rwanda Sunday July 11, 2004 The Observer Officially Jules Mutebutsi is a colonel in Congo's army, but he recently rose to a more senior rank - warlord. A conflict the world hoped was over blazed up again last month when Mutebutsi rebels led against the Democratic Republic of Congo's government and turned the city of Bukavu into a battleground. The uprising was quelled and the colonel retreated with 300 men into Rwanda, where The Observer found him at a rickety table in a glade playing cards with friends, considering his next move. Softly spoken and skinny, wearing a green tracksuit and black slippers, he did not look like a master of mayhem. So far his warlord stint had not been successful. After a week pillaging Bukavu, his force was chased out, along with the Congolese Tutsi civilians it claimed to be protecting, turning them all into refugees. Yet Mutebutsi knows the advantage of being a warlord is that the eventual loser may not be him but Congo. Traditionally you need victory for spoils, but in central Africa instability works just as well. The colonel's adventure shook a fragile peace which continues to wobble, prompting warnings last week from the African Union and European Union about the potential for a new conflagration. 'Bukavu was the start of the second half of the Congolese champions' league,' said a Western diplomat. A grim joke referring to the five-year war, supposedly brought to an end last year, which drew in six countries and killed three million people. With a second half, Mutebutsi would be back in business, accumulating wealth, power and status as his men grabbed what territory they could. Advertiser links Volunteer Internationally Experience a country from a whole new perspective by signing... crossculturalsolutions.org Volunteer in 24 Countries Worldwide Volunteer travel and TEFL training. Projects in... hypertracker.com Volunteers Required in India Smile Society is one of the NGOs working for the welfare of... smilengo.org He did not express it that way. His task, he said, was to defend Congo's Tutsis, known as Banyamulenge. 'There were plans for genocide against them; we made it possible for them to escape.' Investigators from Human Rights Watch found no evidence of genocide, planned or actual. Dozens of Banyamulenge were killed but that was retaliation for the uprising, according to witnesses. As a result, 30,000 fled into Burundi and Rwanda, but started trickling back last week, evidently not expecting to be slaughtered. But the colonel suggested that his services would be needed again: 'The government has ordered the killing of the people.' Mutebutsi wields limited power, but embodies what could be the undoing of Congo - the human factor, the calculation of a few individuals that they have more to gain from war than peace. The peace deals brokered by South Africa were diplomatic triumphs. All six foreign armies withdrew from the former Belgian colony and all the major militias and rebel groups formed a transitional government to rule from the capital, Kinshasa, until elections in 2005. Former foes were to be integrated into a single army. Expecting such diverse factions to build a unified nation was ambitious, but it seemed to work. The UN bolstered its peacekeepers to more than 10,000, not much for a country the size of western Europe, but with extra French muscle they kept a lid on tensions in the eastern provinces. Under the peace accord, Mutebutsi, a rebel backed by Rwanda during the war, was reborn as a commander in the national army which owed allegiance to Kinshasa. But in late May the strategic city of Bukavu erupted when he took matters into his own hands and attacked loyalist troops. With help from another renegade, General Laurent Nkunda, he occupied the city in a week-long binge of rape, looting and killing which humiliated the UN's blue helmets and enraged Kinshasa. But Mutebutsi could not hold his prize and fled to Rwanda, where he was disarmed, and lodged in a military camp at Ntendeza. Kinshasa accused the colonel's hosts of sponsoring the rebellion and moved 10,000 troops to the border. Pressure from African and Western governments calmed talk of imminent all-out war but none of the underlying problems has been solved, said Susan Linnee, of the International Crisis Group, a Brussels-based think-tank. 'Bukavu could quickly fall again to the renegades, and the town of Goma could become the next centre of turmoil.' Aldo Ajello, the EU's envoy to the Great Lakes Region, said rival Congolese groups behaved as banana republics trying to control territory. 'That must stop. The country must be unified as quickly as possible,' he said. But when key players do not want unification, that is difficult. Unrest suits Rwanda's goal of keeping eastern Congo in its sphere of influence, as it suits factions in Kinshasa who want former foes out of the government. Mix overlapping micro-conflicts over mineral resources and disputes between tribal and ethnic groups, and Congo's brew turns very murky. But one ingredient is unmistakeable - the ambition of men such as Mutebutsi. He signed up to peace expecting to become commander of Bukavu, said former friends-turned-refugees, only for Kinshasa to appoint him deputy and make another officer, General Felix Mbuza Mabe, the chief. Mutebutsi became a warlord not because he was a psychopath or bloodthirsty, or because he was following orders from Rwandan masters, or because he wanted to defend his ethnic group, but because he was disappointed that he did not get a better job. Out of uniform, the only thing that distinguished him as a leader was the mobile phone which his fingers fiddled with constantly. One nice thing about going freelance was that nobody could ring it and tell him what to do. He said: 'I have no boss.'

Reuters 12 July 2004 23 killed in eastern Congo fighting: army KINSHASA: Congolese troops have killed at least 23 Rwandan Hutu militiamen who attacked them at two locations in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo over the weekend, the local military commander said on Sunday. “In fighting that has continued since yesterday morning, we have killed at least 23 rebels and seized some arms,” General Obedi Rwibasira told Reuters from the border town of Goma, 50km south of the scene of the initial fighting. “But they [the rebels] also attacked my troops in Kingi, 40 km west of Goma, during the night,” he added, without giving further details of the second attack. Rwibasira blamed the attacks on the Interahamwe, Hutu militias who fled Rwanda after they took part in the 1994 genocide that killed some 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus. Thousands of Rwandan Hutu rebels have remained in eastern Congo since then and Rwanda has invaded Congo twice, in 1996 and 1998, arguing it has an obligation to hunt them down. Rwandan troops withdrew after peace deals were signed in 2002 but Kigali has threatened to return if neither Congolese forces nor UN peacekeepers disarm the rebels. reuters Home

Reuters AlertNet Full site Homepage | Login | Newsdesk | From the field | Emergencies | Relief resources | Africa | Americas | Asia | Europe | Middle East | Country profiles NEWSDESK 11 Jul 2004 16:40:09 GMT More than 20 killed in eastern Congo fighting-army KINSHASA, July 11 (Reuters) - Congolese troops have killed at least 23 Rwandan Hutu militiamen who attacked them at two locations in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo over the weekend, the local military commander said on Sunday. "In fighting that has continued since yesterday morning, we have killed at least 23 rebels and seized some arms," General Obedi Rwibasira told Reuters from the border town of Goma, 50 km (30 miles) south of the scene of the initial fighting. "But they [the rebels] also attacked my troops in Kingi, 40 km west of Goma, during the night," he added, without giving further details of the second attack. Rwibasira blamed the attacks on the Interahamwe, Hutu militias who fled Rwanda after they took part in the 1994 genocide that killed some 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus. Thousands of Rwandan Hutu rebels have remained in eastern Congo since then and Rwanda has invaded Congo twice, in 1996 and 1998, arguing it has an obligation to hunt them down. Rwandan troops officially withdrew after peace deals were signed in 2002 but Kigali has repeatedly threatened to return if neither Congolese forces nor U.N. peacekeepers disarm the estimated 10,000 rebels who remain in the east. |

AP 18 July 2004 Rwanda Rejects U.N. Draft Report on Congo By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS Published: July 18, 2004 Filed at 2:59 p.m. ET KIGALI, Rwanda (AP) -- Rwanda on Sunday rejected a draft U.N. report that accuses the country's officials of directly helping renegade Congolese troops who temporarily seized a key city in eastern Congo last month. Rwandan Minister for Regional Cooperation Protais Mitali said the draft, leaked to The Associated Press before its release -- expected Tuesday -- was unfair and biased because its authors both refused to give Rwanda more than one day to discuss initial findings, and declined to discuss final accusations by claiming the investigation was secret. Advertisement The draft report says Rwandan officials recruited, trained and sheltered potential fighters in the Rwandan border town of Cyangugu, promising them mobile phones or $100 to fight with forces loyal to renegade Col. Jules Mutebutsi in the neighboring Congolese province of South Kivu. Mutebutsi seized control of Bukavu, capital of South Kivu, on June 2 with the help of hundreds of troops loyal to another renegade officer, Brig. Gen. Laurent Nkunda. Congolese government troops retook the city June 9 after Nkunda and his troops withdrew under international pressure. U.N. experts ``concluded that Rwanda's violations involved direct and indirect support, both in ... Congo and in Rwanda, to the mutinous troops of Jules Mutebutsi and Laurent Nkunda,'' the draft report said. A Rwandan town that borders Bukavu ``has been used strategically by Mutebutsi forces as a rear base for military operations, including recruiting drives,'' the draft said. ``Rwanda has also exerted a degree of command and control over Mutebutsi forces.'' The report also accuses Rwanda of keeping troops in Congo in violation of a July 2002 peace deal that led to the withdrawal of thousands of Rwandan soldiers from its vast neighbor. Rwandan troops maintained semi-fixed positions in remote areas of Congo's North Kivu province, the report says, citing numerous sources and eyewitness accounts. ``This information was collaborated with satellite imagery showing six heavy weapons encasements,'' the draft says. But Mitali dismissed the report, saying the U.N. experts who wrote it should produce proof to back the allegations. ``There are no Rwandan soldiers in the Congo. We have not helped, trained or recruited dissident soldiers involved in the recent wrangles in eastern Congo, and we challenge the U.N. panel of experts to produce tangible evidence,'' Mitali told reporters. Rwanda sent troops into Congo in August 1998 to back Congolese rebels seeking to oust former President Laurent Kabila. Rwanda accused Kabila of backing rebels who played a key role in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, in which more than 500,000 minority Tutsis and political moderates from the Hutu majority were killed. ``This report side-steps the problem of Rwandan enemy forces operating in Congo,'' Mitali said. ``Playing down the security threat posed by these forces is entirely unfair and biased."

AP 27 July 2004 U.N. Adds One Year to Congo Arms Embargo By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS Published: July 27, 2004 Filed at 10:57 p.m. ET UNITED NATIONS (AP) -- The U.N. Security Council extended an arms embargo on Congo for a year Tuesday as fighting continues between rival factions. The resolution, which was adopted unanimously by the 15-nation council, renewed until July 31, 2005, the arms sales ban that was imposed last year. The resolution asked U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan to re-establish within 30 days a committee to investigate any violations of the embargo and said the panel should report to it before Dec. 15. Advertisement The Security Council also reiterated calls for neighboring countries not to provide ``direct or indirect assistance, especially military or financial assistance,'' to armed groups opposed to a multiparty transitional government. U.N. experts have accused Rwanda of giving direct support to the renegade troops. Congo has made steps toward peace since being embroiled in a five-year civil war, but tribal fighters still clash in the northeast Kivu and Ituri provinces. Armed factions from Hema and Lendu tribes are battling for control of land and resources, including gold, timber and coal. Large-scale fighting between the two groups in May and June 2003 killed at least 500 people, prompting the United Nations to beef up its deployment and give it an expanded mandate allowing the use of force to protect civilians. The council has banned the sale or transfer of arms and military equipment ``to all foreign and Congolese armed groups and militias operating in the territory of North and South Kivu and of Ituri.'' The United Nations has 10,800 peacekeepers in Congo, helping the transitional government try to regain control and prepare for elections that could be held in less than two years. Congo's war started in 1998 when Rwanda and Uganda backed Congolese rebels in a bid to overthrow Congo's government, accusing it of harboring Hutu militias responsible for the 1994 Rwandan genocide. '

Egypt

United Press International 13 July 2004 Sudan Attacks U.S., Britain Over Darfur Egyptian Ambassador to Sudan Ahmed Abdel Halim has accused the United States and Britain of exploiting the humanitarian crisis in Darfur to discredit Sudan. The issue of Darfur constitutes the third biggest challenge for Arabs after the Palestinian cause and Iraq in view of the conspiracy being made there against Sudan, Abdel Halim told reporters Tuesday. He charged Washington and London exaggerated the crisis in the province of Darfur in western Sudan to make way for a U.N. Security Council resolution condemning and discrediting Khartoum. Arabs should beware the conspiracies being devised against Sudan ... The issue of Darfur was taken out of context and is being used as an excuse to target the Sudanese government, he said. He said the crisis in Darfur dates back to 1959 and is mainly the result of disputes among local tribes. Darfur has become the world's worst humanitarian crisis, according to the United Nations. A rebellion by inhabitants of African origin led to a counter-insurgency by government troops and pro-government Arab militia.

Guinea

IRIN 7 Jul 2004 Guinea: Ethnic tensions threaten to explode in southeast [ This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations] NZEREKORE, 7 Jul 2004 (IRIN) - An influx of arms and idle gunmen from Liberia threatens to inflame ethnic quarrels in the Forest Region of southeastern Guinea, leading to further violence and instability in this remote region, government officials, aid workers and human rights activists in the area said. Tensions between the local Guerze ethnic group and incomers from the Konianke sub-group of the Mandingo people have simmered away for years. About 100 people were killed in Nzerekore, the capital of the Forest Region, when clashes erupted between them in this ragged city surrounded by forest covered hills during local elections in 2001. Humanitarian workers and political activists said at least two people died in a fresh round of fighting between the two ethnic communities in the city of 500,000 people last month. Things could have got much worse had the Guinean security forces not intervened rapidly to quell the ethnic fighting in the city, which lies 850 km by road east of the capital Conakry. There were several exchanges of gunfire, but the army eventually restored order and arrested over 200 suspects, most of whom were Konianke of Liberian origin. A huge problem of insecurity "The problem is very simple but, since the social and economic situation is getting worse and worse in the country, it was just about to degenerate into a conflict," said Major Algassimou Barry, the Prefect (government administrator) of Nzerekore and the surrounding district. "We have a huge problem of insecurity here, but we don't have the human and financial means to deal with it," he told IRIN. "We're at the heart of a region in turmoil. The flow of light weapons and hold-ups is increasing and we are always in alert," he added. Government officials in Nzerekore told IRIN that hundreds of people were arrested following the disturbances on 16 and 17 June and 90 percent of them were Liberians. Jean-Marie Dore, leader of the opposition Union for the Progress of Guinea (UPG) party, who is from Nzerekore, said a total of 238 people were arrested, of whom 234 were Konianke. About 100 of them were caught carrying firearms, he added. Konianke traders from northern Guinea have developed a strong presence in the Forest Region ever since France established its colonial administration in the area during the late nineteenth century. But in recent years, trouble has stemmed mainly from an influx of Konianke from nearby Liberia associated with the ULIMO rebel movement that fought against former President Charles Taylor and its successor LURD. Residents in Nzerekore said the town was packed with hundreds of Liberian gunmen made idle by a peace agreement which ended 14 years of civil war in their own country in August last year. "The town is full of them, everybody knows that," a local human rights activist in Nzerekore told IRIN. "We know where they live, we know that they're still carrying their weapons and that they help their brothers the Konianke when the disputes explode between the two communities," he said. Liberian rebels recruited young Guineans openly The human rights activist, who belongs to the Guerze community, said that when the civil war started in Liberia in 1989, ULIMO (United Liberation Movement of Liberia for Democracy), the main faction opposing Taylor, recruited heavily in Guinea. He added that during the early 1990s, ULIMO offered young Guineans a cash bounty to go and fight in Liberia and there were many takers. The recruitment of young Guineans to fight Liberia resumed in 2000 after a two-year lull in the conflict, when LURD (Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy) took up arms against Taylor from rear bases in Guinea. Guinean President Lansana Conte was no friend of Taylor and diplomats say he was LURD's main backer. Residents in the Forest Region said that so long as the civil war in Liberia lasted, the rebel movement's fighters moved freely in and out of Nzerekore with no interference from the government security forces. Since the conflict ended in August last year however, the army has tried to clamp down on the activities of LURD fighters in Guinea. While the Konianke in the Forest Region tended to support their rebel kin in Liberia, and for many years received tacit encouragement from the authorities to do so, many of the Guerze sympathised with Taylor, who belongs to their own ethnic group. "As a Guinean from the Forest Region, it was terrible to see the recruitment operations taking place in the main stadium of Nzerekore to fight against Taylor, a man from our own tribe," one local employee of an international aid agency told IRIN. But the Konianke are not the only ones to carry unauthorised guns in the Forest Region. Many Guerze are also armed Many Guerze youths and young men from other ethnic groups in the Forest Region were armed by the government and sent into combat as hastily trained militiamen when insurgents backed by Taylor tried unsuccessfully to invade Guinea from Liberia in 2000 and 2001. Aid workers said that once the emergency was over and the militias were disbanded, many of these combatants kept their guns. Some of these young men - officially known as "volunteers" - now use them to set up clandestine road blocks in Nzerekore at night to extort money from passing motorists. When ethnic clashes broke out in Nzerekore last month, an IRIN correspondent saw many armed men, identified by local residents as former volunteers, manning road blocks around the town set up by hastily formed self defence committees. Within a few hours, however, the army cleared them off the streets and took control of security. Religious differences between the Konianke and Guerze have deepened the divide between the two communities. The Konianke are predominantly Muslim, whereas the Guerze, who consider themselves to be the rightful masters of the Forest Region, are mainly Christian and animist. "They (the Konianke) took the land, started to trade and tried to impose their own religion, culture and language on the Forest Region, causing enormous frustrations among the local ethnic groups," the human rights activist told IRIN. "In many villages, Guerze tribesmen refuse to allow Konianke people to spend the night. They are highly suspicious of them and of Mandingo people in general. There is no respect at all between them," he added. The Konianke themselves are reluctant to talk openly about the recent clashes to outsiders. "It was God's will" many of them commented as they shied away from questions. Clashes between the two communities do not just occur in Guinea. Last month one person was killed in fighting between Konianke tribesmen and Guerze people in the town of Gbarnga in northern Liberia, where the Guerze are known as Kpelle. That incident was sparked off by a dispute over a woman between a LURD fighter from the Mandingo ethnic group and a local Kpelle man. Liberian gunmen move easily across nearby frontiers The problem in controlling former combatants from Liberia in Guinea is not just that they are protected by the local Konianke community. They also melt into the 50,000-strong Liberian refugee community in southeastern Guinea, much of which is concentrated in five refugee camps. Aid workers said people regularly moved in and out of these camps and across the border to Liberia and Cote d'Ivoire, where rebels still occupy the north of the country, a year after its civil war was officially declared to be over. Many are convinced that former Liberian rebels were the source of last month's trouble in Nzerekore. "We think that ULIMO (as local people still call all the Liberian rebels) was behind the latest shooting," said one Nzerekore-based aid worker. "They live in town, unemployed, and they are always ready to fight as they still have their weapons," he added. Guinean government officials said many former Liberian combatants had brought guns across the border since the UN peacekeepers began to disarm the three warring factions in Liberia in April. Some of these had ended up in Cote d'Ivoire, where the United Nations proposes to pay US$900 to every fighter volunteering for demobilisation, they added. UN peacekeepers in Liberia are only offering only US300 to ex-combatants and about half of those presenting themselves for disarmament so far have turned up at the demobilisation camps without a gun. "We're concerned that disarmed or not, they will install themselves in Guinea," said Colonel Lamine Bangoura, the governor of Nzerekore. "We want them to stay in their own country and the best guarantee of preventing raids across the border is to provide them jobs," Bangoura said. "On the Guinean side, we can handle security on the border but it's so expensive and we are short of equipment and money." Patience grows thin in lean season before harvest The governor said the Guinean authorities were particularly wary of further outbreaks of violence during the coming months as food supplies dwindled and people grew hungry waiting for the new harvest to begin in October at the end of the current rainy season. "We are being very careful because we're bridging the gap until the harvest period. People are hungry and fragile. If local communities refuse to give food or provide assistance to the others, things could get bad," he said in apparent reference to the Konianke. Aid workers warned that LURD fighters in Liberia were now convinced that the Guinean government had abandoned them following Taylor's departure into exile in Nigeria and the restoration of peace in Liberia. That made the situation more volatile than before, they added. Dore, the opposition leader who is normally no friend of President Conte and his government, urged people in the Forest Region to collaborate with the authorities in removing weapons from unauthorised hands. "Ex-fighters are waiting for an excuse to settle scores," he told IRIN during an interview in the capital Conakry. "To solve the problem, we must gather the weapons and help the armed forces because the people know where they are." A senior UN official in Guinea said the United Nations had already appealed to donors for US$20-25 million to help to collect weapons in Guinea, provide rehabilitation facilities for former members of the militia force which helped to repel the incursions from Liberia three years ago and develop schools and health centres in the region. These funds had been sought in the context of wider appeals for money to deal with the aftermath of civil war in Sierra Leone, Liberia and Cote d'Ivoire, he added. "We must react quickly because right now is when we risk having problems regarding the social and economic situation in Guinea," he told IRIN. "We need to help the vulnerable populations, to mitigate the impact on environment and security with a disarmament plan and to develop social and health services," the UN official said. Meanwhile, the Guinean government is determined to keep a lid on the situation by continuing to impose tight security wherever violence threatens to rear its ugly head. "We are responsible for what happens in Guinea. We are calling for calm," said Bangoura, the governor of Nzerekore. "We have been able to control the situation for the past 10 years. This must continue or we will suffer the consequences." [ENDS] '

Liberia

July, 2004, 15:18 GMT 16:18 UK E-mail this to a friend Printable version Nigerians seek Taylor extradition By Anna Borzello BBC, Nigeria Taylor allegedly supported the RUF in exchange for diamonds Two Nigerians have gone to court, seeking the extradition of former Liberian leader Charles Taylor, so he can face war crimes charges. A UN-backed court in Sierra Leone has issued an international warrant for his arrest for allegedly backing Sierra Leone's RUF rebels. Mr Taylor has been in exile in Nigeria since August last year after being granted asylum by the government. The two businessmen say they were mutilated by RUF fighters. The hearing was postponed until 13 July because legal papers have not been served on Mr Taylor. Emmanuel Egbuna had both his hands chopped off at the wrist, while David Anyaele lost his arms, when travelling in Sierra Leone in the 1980s. The men claim the rebels were acting on Mr Taylor's orders. Impunity Mr Taylor is accused of backing the RUF in exchange for diamonds. RUF fighters hacked the limbs of thousands of civilians The men are being supported by the Nigerian coalition on the international criminal court, which represents about 50 civil society organisations. Maxwell Kadiri, a lawyer with the group, told the BBC the prosecution hope to have Mr Taylor's immunity lifted so that he can face charges at the Sierra Leone war crimes tribunal which began hearings last month. Mr Taylor has been living in exile in the peaceful south-eastern Nigerian town of Calabar since the middle of last year and the Nigerian government have so far resisted all attempts to have him handed over to the court. Mr Kadiri said he felt the case was worth taking on because it was important that impunity should not be condoned.

Mali

mathaba.net 10 July 2004 Mali approves African Court of Justice Protocol Mali has approved bills related to the approval of the African Court of Justice Protocol, approved by the 2nd ordinary session of the African Union summit held in Maputo, 11 July of last year. The Pan African News Agency PANA reported that the approval came during the meeting held by the Malian cabinet Tuesday night. The African Court of Justice is one of the institutions provided for by the Constitutive Act of the Union. The protocol is aimed at defining the formation of the court, its functions and its procedures. According to the protocol, the court is comprised of 11 judges from the judiciary of member states of the Union, and will enjoy full independence, and there would be at least two judges from each region. The court is the main judicial authority of the African Union, to which any member states or official at the commission or third parties could resort to. The judges will be selected by leaders head of states and governments of AU members states for a six year term renewable once. /mathaba

Namibia

www.afrol.com 30 June 2004 Germany urged to recognise "Herero genocide" afrol News, 30 June - In August this year, the 100th anniversary of the slaughtering of an estimated 75,000 Herero and Nama in Namibia by their German colonial masters will be marked. International human rights groups urge the German government to finally "apologise the genocide" and take on responsibility. At the Central Memorial of Germany in downtown Berlin, German and international activists have marked their protest since Friday last week. They find it unacceptable that the government still does not recognise its worst atrocities during the short period of German colonialism in Africa (1884-1916). - Germany has to officially commemorate the genocide committed by the German 'Schutztruppe' [colonial troops], demands the Göttingen-based Society for Threatened Peoples (GFBV). They urge the government to act before the 100th anniversary of the "genocide on Hereros and Namas in Namibia". In August 1904, the German 'Schutztruppe' committed one of the most grave crimes against humanity during the European colonisation of Africa. An estimated 75,000 Herero and Nama were slaughtered in the crack-down on a popular uprising against the newly arrived colonial masters. Thousands were killed during the battle. After the victory of the 'Schutztruppe', the surviving Herero were chased into the waterless Omaheke Desert and physically prevented from returning. Thousands of civilians died of thirst while others were "relieved from their suffering" by the German troops. Many of those Herero and Nama that survived this slaughtering were sent to specially erected concentration camps or to forced employment on German commercial farms. Hundreds of civilians died due to the inhumane conditions in the camps and on the farms. Neither Namibia nor the Herero people have ever received an official apology from the German government, recognising responsibility for the atrocities. It is believed that German authorities are holding back due to the possible compensation demands from the descendents of surviving Hereros. The human rights activists gathered in Berlin however maintain that justice must be done, even if this could have financial consequences. First of all, the "Herero genocide victims" should be honoured with a memorial tablet at the Central Memorial of Germany in the same way as other victims of German war atrocities throughout history. - Germany should stop making a taboo out of its colonial crimes, the human rights activists demand. The German GFBV group was joined by the International Human Rights League and the Global African Congress, demanding a visual recognition of the "Herero genocide" at the Berlin memorial before the August anniversary. A GFBV spokesman said he was disappointed with the Namibia resolution approved by the German parliament on 17 June. The resolution, as proposed by the socialist-green government, did not mention the word "genocide" and did not urge the government to issue a formal apology. The human rights activists also in particular were angered by German Foreign Minister Joschka Fisher of the Green Party, who according to them, had lied to the press during his last visit to Namibia, in October 2003. Mr Fischer had "given the impression that there still was an ongoing compensation court case by the Hereros against Germany in the US," the GFBV said. This was not true, the group holds. "Already in March 2002, this court case was dropped" due to applicability of the legislation, the GFBV says. In fact, the war atrocities committed by the German 'Schutztruppe' against Namibia's Hereros and Namas are widely believed not to have been war crimes because applicable international legislation only was approved after the 1912 "genocide". Under current legislation, the slaughtering might very well have been defined as "genocide". A formal apology and taking on responsibilities by the German government - as demanded by the campaigners - would at least morally oblige Germany to pay some sort of compensation. The human rights groups urged Mr Fischer to overlook this. "After the failure of the compensation case, he should finally apologise in the name of Germany," they added. By staff writer

New Era (Windhoek) 9 July 2004 ANALYSIS Remembering the Genocide By Kae Matundu-Tjiparuro Windhoek "OHAMAKARI, Place of Brutal Mayhem, Last Bastion of Early Colonial Resistance and the Craddle of the Modern Liberation Struggle, Democracy, Reconciliation, Peace and Stability," reads the theme for the centenary commemoration of the near annihilation of the Ovaherero and Ovambanderu on the order of the then commander of German imperial forces, General Lothar von Trotha, 100 years ago. The theme underlines the centrality of Ohamakari in the Ovaherero/Ovambanderu-German wars of 1904-8. The Battle of Ohamakari took place between the Ovaherero and German troops on 12 August 1904 and it was during this battle that the Ovaherero decided to end the siege, dispersing in different directions. This battle signalled the end of Ovaherero and Ova-mbanderu resistance to German occupation, and heralded their eventual flight into Botswana. Hence the thematic centrality of Ohama-kari in the centenary comme-moration of the order of extermination. Ohamakari is not only thematically impor-tant in the cemetery comme-moration of the order but will be the very seat of what the organisers see as the highlight of the commemoration, the commemoration of the battle at the battle site on 14 August 2004. Despite the break of the Ovaherero siege and their flight into the Kalahari Desert, and eventually into neighbouring Botswana for those who survived the hard conditions of the desert, von Trotha was to issue an extermination order against the Ovaherero three months after. "I am the great General of the Germans. I am sending a word to you Hereros, you who are Hereros are no longer under the Germans. You Hereros must now leave this land it belongs to the Germans. If you do not do this I shall remove you with the big gun. A person in German land shall be killed by the gun. I shall not catch women and the sick but I will chase them after their chiefs or I will kill them with the gun. These are my words to the Herero nation. The Great General of the Kaiser." This order was issued by von Trotha on 2 October 1904 and becomes exactly 100 this year. It thus forms the rallying point in the Ovaherero and Ovambanderu centenary commemoration. Ozombuzo-vindimba, a village in Nami-bia's Otjinene Constituency in the Omaheke Region in eastern Namibia, forms equally a central role in the commemoration and is sche-duled as the venue where the commemoration will wind up in October this year. Von Trotha issued his infamous order at Ozombuzovindimba. The major focus for now, however, falls on neigh-bouring Botswana's western village of Tsau on 17-18 July, and on Ohamakari on 14 August. Erstwhile Ovaherero Chief, Samuel Maharero, and more than 100 survivors of the German imperial forces' total onslaught, which saw the Ovaherero and Ovamba-nderu reduced to a mere 15 000 from over 80 000, made their first entry and sojourn in Botswana at Tsau Today Tsau forms an important cultural-historical axis of the Ovaherero Dia-spora in Botswana. Maharero proceeded from Tsau to Serowe, and eventually to Transvaal, modern day Nor-thern Province in South Africa. Serowe was the hometown of the late first President of Botswana, Sir Seretse Khama. However, for one warrior, Willie Welhelm Maharero, brother to Samuel Maharero, the journey had come to an end. Having braved many a bullet from the gunpowder of the German imperial forces, from his favourite position on the frontline of the Ovahe-rero battalions as sharp-shooter, he ironically suc-cumbed to the forces of nature. The war of annihi-lation and colonial dictates seemed to have destined his remains to Tsau. There he has been lying, a nailed tree stump the only memory of an unsung hero. Comforted perhaps by the company of his mother, Katare, who had also been laid to rest there. In 2002 the Ovaherero community in Botswana eventually bestowed on him the honour he deserves by erecting a tombstone on his grave. Since then his grave has become a monument and the centre of an annual pilgrim. Before then Red Flag commemorations, which had been important catalysts in bringing together the Ovahe-rero and Ovambanderu in the Diaspora in Botswana, had only been confined to homes. Finding Welhelm's resting place had not been easy in view of the fact that he was buried while the nation was on a trek. And for the fact that his death dates back years and few of the first generation Ovaherero refugees are around to have pointed out his final resting place. Children, perhaps by some strange ancestral interven-tion, had made this particular place their favourite playing ground. True to the legend that this hero was, one of these children, now in the prime of his mid-life, reflected on their childhood and their favourite playground, unconsciously providing the key to the legendary stump with its nail. The resting place of Welhelm. Since, the spirit of Wil-helm has since been rekindled, and the Ovaherero community here seems to have been revived, at least spiritually. However, in 2004, 100 years since their forefathers and mothers fled the German 1904 total onslaught and set foot on the Botswana soil, the Ovaherero and Ovambanderu are looking for a renaissance of some sort. "As you may appreciate, only vestiges of our culture remain with us here in the Diaspora. That is why we wish to appeal to you to not only grace our comme-moration with your presence but also with a great measure of our original culture," Justice Muinjo, one of the organisers of the commemo-ration and a member of the Herero Genocide and Resist-ance Committee, reveals their cultural deprivation and quest for revival in a letter to the sister preparatory committee in Namibia, the Coordinating Committee (CC) for the First Official Commemoration of the Ovaherero Genocide, 100 Years After. "As some of our brothers and sisters from areas like Tsabong in Botswana and Vryburg in South Africa are only Ovaherero and Ovamba-nderu in name, having lost their culture, including their language ... your cultural input would not only be of great value to the commemo-ration but would highly imbue these brothers and sisters with their culture, something they are still largely deprived of." Second to cultural revival, reconciliation also seems to form the pinnacle of the commemoration both in Botswana and Namibia. "Rest assured this commemoration is by no means intended to flare up emotions. On the contrary we believe the two groups, the German and Otjiherero-speaking people in Botswana, come a long way in history and rather than dividing them, this comme-moration should be a welco-me reminder of the sad yet rich history that both need to celebrate and use to chart a future together," says Muinjo in the standard letter of invitation. "By joining hands in making this commemo-ration a success, we should have embarked on a new plain to reconciliation," he adds in the letter. "This rediscovery sup-poses looking back where we come from, where we are today and where we are going. This we do mindful of the fact that our past, present and future are historically inter-linked with many players. This is why in this moment of our rediscovery, of wiping our tears, we recognise the fact that many endured the harshness of foreign invasion and occupation, just like us. We have no doubt that together we can wipe our tears, take one another by the hand and build a prosperous and harmonious Namibia," said Ovaherero Paramount Chief Kuaima Riruako at the launch of Namibia's orga-nising chapter, the Coordina-ting Committee, last July. "Please our claim for reparation must only be seen as an effort to regain our dignity and help us restore what was wrongfully taken away from us. However, no amount of money can go towards restoring our dignity. I wish to once again invite the German government to accept the Genocide of my people, and the invitation to engage in a dialogue with the Ovaherero to iron out issues of mutual interest. Further, I wish to invite the German Government to promote a spirit of mutual co-existence between the Ovaherero and the German-speaking com-munity in Namibia. "We are not inviting Ger-many for a war again but to see if we can heal the wounds of the Genocide of 1904-8," said Riruako at the launch of the commemorations this January in Namibia in the Namibian Mecca of Ovahe-rero and Ovambanderu histo-rical-cultural pilgrims, Okahandja. Okahandja is historically counted among the Namibian towns first unleashing Ova-herero bullets of anger, resilience and resistance against German occupation in 1904 after Maharero had declared war on 11 January 1904. The recent resolution by the German Parliament, which does not come nearer to any apology to the Ova-herero and Ovambanderu and the Namas for the harm inflicted on them, has not dampened the spirit of the commemoration. The Ger-man Parliament calls in the resolution on the Federal Government "to reinforce the good bilateral relations be-tween Germany and Namibia in view of Germany's histo-rical and moral responsi-bility" and "to continue the development co-operation with Namibia on a high level". The Chairperson of the CC's Ombazu (Culture) Sub-committee, Uazuvara Honga, says the objective of the commemoration has not been to elicit an apology from the German government but has been, first and foremost, to educate the Ovaherero and Ovambanderu about their historical role in the Namibian liberation struggle. That objective has been achieved and the German parliament's resolution cannot undo it. He says the resolution does not surprise him if the "toying" of the German Ambssador in Namibia, Wolfgang Massing, that has stopped short of an apology, is anything to go by. Meanwhile, Honga says the Coordinating Committee has been all out mobilising cultural performers, respond-ing to the call of their kin in the Diaspora in Botswana. He says as direct victims of the wars of resistance which sent their forefathers and fore-mothers in flight into exile where three generations of Ovaherero and Ovambanderu have been born, most Namibians must become one in spirit with those in the Diaspora and must not show mere solidarity. The pilgrim to Tsau forms part of the build-up to the commemoration of the Battle of Ohamakari on 14 August 2004. This build-up includes a month-long solemn obser-vance starting just before the Tsau commemoration on 12 August, and ending on 15 August, a day after the Ohamakari commemoration. During this observance all Ovaherero and Ovamba-nderu, and indeed the entire Namibia, is called upon to refrain as much as they can from earthly cravings like alcohol use and abuse, and sex, to name but a few. Further, all Ovaherero and Ovambanderu are also ex-pected during this period to fly black flags on their houses to indicate that the nation is mourning, and vigils will be held in the capital and other towns for unspecified nights. Churches are also requested during this period to dedicate prayer sessions in memory of the war victims of 1904-8. This solemn observance will reach its climax three days before the commemo-ration of the Battle of Ohamakari on 14 August when the High Traditional Priests of the Ovambanderu and Ovaherero will observe a moment of quiet, dedication and devotion to the ancestors at the battlefield. Ohamakari and surroundings are ex-pected during this period of solemnity by the High Priests to follow this solemnity. However, the CC is fearful that this solemnity may be rendered insolemn by the opening ceremony of the Community Cultural and Tourism Centre Okakarara (CCTCO), billed on the same day as the commemoration. This is despite various unequivocal pronouncements by the CC to avoid that the opening of the Centre fall with the commemoration ce-mented by a letter to the German Ambassador. "Not only do the two events differ in nature but also their moods are also diametrically op-posed," reads a line from a letter by the CC Chairperson, Mr Arnold Tjihuiko, addres-sed to the German Ambas-sador, Mr Wolfgang Massing, dated 29 June 2004. However, Deputy Head of Mission of the German Embassy, Klaus Duxmann, denied any knowledge of the letter. The matter, he added, had in any case been overrun by the acquiescence of both Chief Kuaima Riruako and the Chairperson of the National Preparatory Com-mittee for the Comme-moration of 1904 (NPCC04), Bishop Zephania Kameeta. To Duxmann, it seemed, the divine authority and benign shepherd in the person of Chief Riruako had spoken and the sheep must follow. The CC letter was copied to Riruako, Kameeta and the head of the German volunteer service in Namibia (DED), Dr Karl Ahlers. "Your Excellency, we suspect in all humbleness and humility that the envisaged inauguration of the CCTCO, and the events leading and following it, would not be conducive to the mournful atmosphere befitting a proper homage to our fallen heroes and heroines," pleads Mr Tjihuiko in the letter.

Reuters 17 July 2004 Namibia Tribe Marks Genocide, Demands Reparations Sat Jul 17, 2004 10:23 AM ET By Petros Kuteeue TSAU, Botswana (Reuters) - Hundreds of Herero tribespeople gathered in Botswana on Saturday to pay homage to ancestors killed by German soldiers in Namibia who almost wiped out their people a century ago. Tribal leaders used Saturday's commemoration to press their demands for $4 billion in compensation from Germany's government and companies which they say benefited from slavery and exploitation under German rule of what is now Namibia. "The Germans killed our people. They destroyed us as a nation. That's why we want compensation from them," Paramount Chief Kuaima Riruako told the crowd gathered in the village of Tsau in northwestern Botswana, near the border with Namibia. When the Herero people rebelled against slave labor and the confiscation of their land by Germany, Kaiser Wilhelm II's army forced them into the desert to die from thirst and starvation. About 65,000 of the 80,000-strong tribe under Samuel Maharero were wiped out between 1904 and 1907. Some of those who survived escaped to Botswana, where their descendants live to this day. Germany has assumed moral responsibility for the killings but has refused to make a formal apology. Hundreds of people in traditional dress -- modeled, ironically, on the German military uniforms of the time -- walked solemnly in procession early on Saturday to the graves of Maharero's mother and elder brother in Tsau, a remote village near Botswana's Okavango Delta, a popular tourist destination. The remains of Maharero himself were taken back to Namibia for reburial years ago. Some campaigners say the Herero genocide set the pattern for Nazi Germany's Jewish Holocaust three decades later and argue that Berlin should pay compensation to the Herero people just as it did to the Jewish community. But Berlin has refused to do so. The tribe has filed a legal suit in a U.S. federal court, but experts say the case has only a limited chance of success because international conventions on genocide were not agreed until decades after the Herero campaign. Chief Riruako appealed to the international community to help press the Herero case with the German government and promised that any compensation would be distributed among all ethnic Herero, not just those remaining in Namibia. Scattered when their rebellion was crushed, Herero have communities in Botswana and some live in South Africa. Saturday's commemoration was part of a year-long series of events to mark the centenary of what historians say was the first genocide of the 20th century. Germany's ambassador to Botswana was expected to arrive in Tsau on Sunday to take part in a second day of ceremonies.

Nigeria

WP 1 July 2004 Polio Warning Issued for Travel to Nigeria By David Brown Washington Post Staff Writer Thursday, July 1, 2004; Page A02 The World Health Organization warned travelers to northern Nigeria yesterday to get polio vaccine boosters because of "uncontrolled transmission of polio virus" in the region. The announcement comes as the region enters the season when polio transmission increases, typically rising five- to tenfold. There has been little or no polio immunization in Nigeria's northern states for more than a year because of rumors that the vaccine is a tool in a global plot to sterilize Muslims. WHO's warning, announced in Geneva, is purely advisory. The organization has no power to force the immunization of travelers, or even to monitor it. Nevertheless, the suggestion that visitors get a polio booster if they have not had one in four years further sounds the alarm that the outbreak in Nigeria presents an "extreme danger" and a "threat to every country," said David L. Heymann, a WHO physician helping lead the 16-year effort to eradicate polio. Six countries in the world still have "endemic," or freely circulating, polio virus in their populations. All except Nigeria are in the late stages of eradication campaigns. That country has had 259 cases of paralysis from the disease this year -- nearly 80 percent of the world total. For every known infection that causes paralysis, health experts say, there are about 200 "silent," or undetected, ones. Over the past 12 months, 10 countries in Africa that had been free of the disease for several years have recorded cases of polio traceable through genetic tests to microbes originating in northern Nigeria. Both the epidemic and the resistance to immunization have centered in Kano state, but Heymann said yesterday that the government there has officially dropped its opposition. In a telephone news conference, he said Kano's governor recently told him that health workers have begun planning a vaccination campaign for later this month and another for August. Kano will use vaccine manufactured in Indonesia, a Muslim country. Whether that, as well as assurances by government and religious leaders that the vaccine is safe, will be enough to bring about widespread participation in the campaign remains uncertain. Polio vaccination campaigns target all children younger than 5; Kano has 3.3 million of them. WHO, Rotary International, UNICEF and the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention -- the four organizations running the eradication initiative -- announced last month that emergency vaccination campaigns will be held simultaneously in 22 countries in the fall to try to stop the outbreak. This will add about $100 million to the cost of the eradication effort, which to date has cost $3.1 billion. Heymann said WHO will convene a panel of experts next week to review the pattern of the recent African cases and to consider whether any other recommendations about travel might help stop the outbreak. The most recently infected country is Sudan, which recorded a case in Darfur, a region where the number of refugees is rising, along with reports of genocide against certain ethnic groups. The campaign against polio is only the second attempt in history to eradicate a human disease. Smallpox was eliminated in the late 1970s.

Reuters 15 Jul 2004 Muslim Nigerian state to restart polio campaign LAGOS, July 15 (Reuters) - Nigeria's Muslim-run state of Kano said on Thursday it would restart a polio immunisation programme "very soon" after its 8-month ban allowed the crippling virus to spread across Africa. Kano spokesman Sule Yau Sule said the state governor was satisfied with tests carried out on a new batch of vaccines from Indonesia, after the original vaccines were suspected of spreading HIV and containing infertility agents. "A committee ... carried out a medical analysis and today reported to us and we are satisfied," Sule said. "The committee has briefed the stakeholders and we are ready to embark on a sensitisation exercise." Polio, which afflicts mainly children under 5 years, is caused by a virus that invades the nervous system and can cause total paralysis or death. In June, the World Health Organisation (WHO) said Kano had pledged to restart the campaign in early July, but a government spokesman swiftly denied a timetable had been set for resuming polio immunisation. The state was under local and international pressure to end the polio boycott that helped the virus spread across Nigeria and infect 10 other African countries that were previously polio-free. WHO had said the rainy season would create ideal conditions for the virus to spread and could worsen the situation, unless the government acted fast. It said international travellers to northern Nigeria, the epicentre of the virus, were at high risk and should ensure they were adequately protected against the disease. Kano suspended immunisation last September when prominent Muslim leaders said they suspected that vaccines supplied by Western donors were adulterated to reduce fertility and spread HIV as part of a U.S.-led drive against Islam.

AFP 14 Jul 2004 Peace returns to central Nigerian state but emergency rule rankles by Emmanuel Goujon JOS, Nigeria, July 14 (AFP) - Two months after Nigeria's President Olusegun Obasanjo overthrew the elected rulers of Plateau State, a fragile peace has returned to the strife-torn highland region once beset by religious violence. But despite the early successes of emergency rule in halting the fighting between armed Muslim and Christian gangs, there is still deep resentment amomng ousted officials in the state over the dramatic suspension of democracy. In the first months of this year, hundreds of Christian and Muslim villagers were slaughtered by ethnic militants in tit-for-tat attacks, triggering fears the violence could spread and menace the unity of Nigeria as a whole. On May 14, Obasanjo imposed emergency rule in the form of an all-powerful unelected administrator, retired general Chris Alli, with a brief to stem the bloodshed and build bridges between the warring tribes. For now, Alli seems to have made progress, but his appointment still rankles in Plateau, the first state in Nigeria to lose its democratic institutions since the west African giant emerged from the grip of military rule in 1999. Alli now never misses an opportunity to promote his apparent success as a peacemaker, and this week he profited from the launch of Nigeria's "National Treeplanting Campaign 2004" to make his latest appeal for understanding. "In talking peace, let us plant peace trees," he said at a red carpet ceremony in the state capital Jos, before stooping gently to drop a small spruce tree into place and kick-start a state-wide reforestation drive. Alli and his supporters believe the work he has done since replacing Governor Joshua Dariye has sown the seeds of religious reconciliation. "The situation is calm, violence has stopped and security is back in the state. Now everybody is meeting everybody. People talk and misplaced fears and prejudices have disappeared," Alli told AFP in an interview. "Religion is not the problem and is not the root of violence. I don't think there is that big a gap between Christians and Muslims, there is not so much difference between them," he said. "But people are using religions to mobilise the masses for their contest of personal interests. It's these interests that bring conflict." In in his May 14 decree, Obasanjo suspended Governor Dariye and the Plateau house of assembly for six months, after which emergency rule could still be renewed with the permission of the federal parliament. Some Plateau leaders stood accused of supporting the "indigenous" Christian militias in their war against Muslim "settlers", and of stirring up violence for their own ends, while Dariye himself spent much of his time abroad. Alli called for peace talks, and on July 2 emerged with a signed promise from Christian and Muslim leaders "to live together as neighbours, respecting the integrity of each other's historical heritage and religious beliefs." But even if the fighting has abated, some believe that Alli's appointment has done violence to Nigeria's five-year-old democracy. Simon Lalong, speaker of the state's suspended assembly, told AFP: "We have decided to challenge the government on the issue of the state of emergency and the suspension of our assembly. We have started two judicial procedures. "Our suspension is anticonstitutional and it is the end of democracy in Plateau State," he declared. "The governor and the assembly were about to solve the crisis and to control the situation when they decided to declare the state of emergency. We had a plan and it is the same formula the administrator is only using," he said. And Dariye loyalists are seething, accusing Muslims of putting pressure on Obasanjo in order to increase their influence in Plateau "where they are not indigenes" and calling for a property law to protect the rights of Christians. "Obasanjo has never legally justified the suspension, so we're waiting four months then we'll return to power," one former state government minister, who asked not to be identified, declared anonymously.

IRIN 16 Jul 2004 Nigeria: Self-styled rebel seeks independence for oil-producing Niger Delta [This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations] TOMBIA, 16 July (IRIN) - The old, colonial buildings dotted around Tombia hark back to its former prosperity in the 19th and early 20th century when this town in the Niger delta was an important stop in the palm oil trade that fed Europe's soap and margarine industries. But today these one-time glories are scorched and ruined wrecks on the battleground of an increasingly violent struggle for control of Nigeria's current economic lifeblood - crude oil. The man in charge at Tombia is Asari Dokubo, a self-styled revolutionary who dropped out of university and converted from Christianity to Islam. Accompanied by scores of heavily-armed gunmen, he cruises through the winding creeks of the densely forested delta in a flotilla of speed boats. During the past few months, Dokubo's Niger Delta's People Volunteer Force (NDPVF) has battled repeatedly with government forces for control of Tombia and the surrounding area. Tombia lies just 20 km from Port Harcourt, the main operating centre for Nigeria's oil industry. Dokubo is a member of the Ijaw tribe, the largest ethnic group in the delta, and he has long been associated with their fight for a better economic deal. He says he is fighting for the autonomy or independence of the Niger Delta, so that its people can draw greater benefit from the 2.5 million barrels of oil produced each day on their doorstep. "We want to achieve self-determination and be able to control our oil resources," Dokubo told IRIN in an interview at his stronghold. "We also want a sovereign national conference for the country so that we can decide if we still want to be part of Nigeria," he added, echoing the demand of many Niger Delta activists before him. Revolutionary or gangster? Dokubo's supporters see him as a Robin Hood-style robber hero, taking on the might of Nigeria's federal government on behalf of local people who have derived little benefit from the nation's oil bonanza. But opponents of the 40-year-old militia commander say he is little more than a gangster who finances his operations by tapping crude oil from the pipelines of multinationals operating in the delta and reselling it on the black market. Dokubo freely admits helping himself to the crude oil produced by Royal Dutch/Shell, the largest oil company in Nigeria. "What we know is that the oil belongs to us, we're not stealing it," the portly robber baron said. "It is the Nigerian state stealing our oil from us." Toting Kalashnikov rifles and rocket-propelled grenades, Dokubo's fighters wage war against the security forces and a rival militia group with alleged links to the government in the mangrove swamps and creeks around Tombia. Using fast speed-boats with powerful outboard motors, they even make forays into Port Harcourt, the heart of Nigeria's oil industry where all the multinational firms have offices. Dokubo told IRIN that he has enough weapons at his command to equip a well-armed force of 2,000 men. "We are very close to international waters and it's very easy to get weapons," he told IRIN. "We have AK 47s, general purpose machine guns and rocket-propelled grenades." Oil industry experts estimate that up to 10 percent of Nigeria's oil is lost to well armed gangs like Dokubo's that tap into pipelines and fill barges with stolen crude oil for sale to tankers waiting offshore. This wholesale theft, which deprives the government and oil companies of hundreds of millions of dollars per year, is known as "bunkering." Clashes with the security forces Over the last two months army, navy and air force personnel have launched repeated raids against armed militants and criminal gangs in Rivers State, of which Port Harcourt is the capital and Dokubo's men have often been their target. Human rights activists say more than 100 people were killed in one such clash in the town of Ogbakiri in early June. Dokubo said that his group was the target of that raid by a joint task force of soldiers and policemen. This week more fighting erupted on Tuesday on the outskirts of Port Harcourt. Dokubo said 11 of his fighters died in the Amadi-Ama suburb of the city as they engaged the security forces in a fire-fight which last several hours. The police commissioner in charge of Port Harcourt denied anyone was killed in the raid, but said 74 people had been arrested in what he called an operation to flush out weapons. Local residents in Amadi-Ama told IRIN they had seen the bodies of at least 10 people killed in the fighting, including the corpse of 14-year girl killed in the cross fire. Dokubo is an extreme example of the discontent felt by many of the 126 million people in Nigeria, which is Africa's leading oil producer and the continent's most populous nation. Until last year, this son of a high court judge, was president of the Ijaw Youths Council (IYC), a group that mostly comprises university-educated activists campaigning for an increased share of Nigeria's oil wealth. The Ijaws represent the largest single ethnic group in the 70,000 sq km region of mangrove swamps, criss-crossing creeks and dense forests that make up the Niger Delta. With a population estimated at between six and eight million, mainly dependent on fishing, they are reputed to be the fourth biggest ethnic group in the country of 126 million split among 250 ethnic groups. Outrage at electoral fraud led Dokubo to take up arms Dokubo studied law at the university of Calabar in south-eastern Nigeria, but dropped out in 1988 after converting to Islam and becoming strongly engaged in radical politics. He then spent several years visiting 38 countries around the world, including Egypt and Libya. Dokubo said he decided to take up arms after witnessing massive fraud in the 2003 elections, which returned President Olusegun Obasanjo and the ruling People's Democratic Party (PDP) to a second term of office. Opposition groups and independent observers said the elections were marred by large-scale fraud. Dokubo too voiced his condemnation of massive vote-rigging. "I issued a statement on behalf of the IYC saying there was no election," he said. Dokubo said PDP-sponsored thugs led by rival gang leader Ateke Tom, then tried to assassinate him. This, he said, prompted him to take up arms and fight. "We are fighting against a government which rigged elections, which doesn't have the mandate of the people," he said. "The oppressed people of Nigeria will rise one day, this is only the beginning," he told IRIN. A spokesman for the government of Rivers State flatly denied that the authorities had links with Tom's Niger Delta Vigilante Service (NDVS) or any other militia group in the state. However Dokubo's group has clashed frequently with Tom's. Human rights activists say both groups have links with politicians and financed themselves by bunkering. "Dokubo and Tom were once allies of the present civilian administration in Rivers State which allegedly armed them in the first place," Chinedu Ukaegbu and Stevyn Obodokwe of the Civil Liberties Organisation said in their recent study of violence in the delta, entitled "When Bullets Begin to Flower." But while Dokubo had fallen out with the administration of state governor Peter Odili, Tom was a well-known member of the PDP and retained close links with the authorities, they added. Former colleagues keep distance Dokubo's former colleagues from the Ijaw Youths Council have distanced themselves from his declaration of armed struggle, insisting on a peaceful campaign to wrest the oil resources from the federal authorities. However, Oronto Douglas, a leading activist in the organisation, said heavy-handed repression by the security forces in the delta simply played into the hands of people like Dokubo. "There is a big debate in the Niger Delta right now about what is the best means of removing the yoke of oppression visited on our people, and the overwhelming position is that non-violent struggle is preferred," Douglas, who is also an environmental lawyer, told IRIN. "But the government has adopted a very violent strategy of suppression that angers people like Dokubo, who see the strategy of negotiation failing woefully and are crying out for armed struggle," he added. Angry villagers in the Niger Delta feel deprived of the oil wealth the government and oil multinationals produce on their land and have frequently mounted disruptive protests to press for social amenities. At the more violent end of the spectrum, armed militants and criminals have attacked or kidnapped foreign oil workers and blockaded oil facilities to press their political demands and demand ransoms. Tribalism has also reared its ugly head as rival communities vie for control of oil-producing land in order to demand jobs and social amenities such as schools and hospitals, from the oil companies and government. For several years, Ijaw militia groups have battled rival gunmen from the Itsekiri tribe across the delta as the two communities have fought each other for the spoils of power, although under strong government pressure they signed a peace agreement in the oil town of Warri on 1 June. This truce is still holding, but international security experts foresee no early end to the wider problem of violence in the Niger Delta. An expert study commissioned by Shell from international security company WAC Global Services earlier this year estimated that 1,000 people were killed in the Niger Delta every year. This puts violence in the region on the same scale as that it Colombia and Chechnya, it said, threatening both the oil industry and Nigeria's national security. "If current conflict trends continue uninterrupted, it would be surprising if SCIN (Shell Companies in Nigeria) is able to continue on-shore resource extraction in the Niger Delta beyond 2008, whilst complying with Shell Business Principles," the survey concluded. Shell, which accounts for about half of Nigeria's overall oil production and has quarter of its global oil and gas reserves in the country, has formally denied suggestions that it was planning to withdraw from Nigeria. But the report commissioned by the oil company notes the role of politicians in the violence and predicts increasing problems in the coming years. "Given the likely illegal oil bunkering links to political campaigns, the run-up to the 2007 presidential elections may see a significant escalation of Niger Delta conflicts which will be difficult to dismantle," it concluded.

Deutsche Presse Agentur 26 Jul 2004 - 383 new polio cases reported in Nigeria Abuja (dpa) - Almost 400 new cases of polio were reported in the first half of the year in Nigeria, a sharp increase from last year, the United Nations said Monday. UNICEF said the 383 new cases occurred in 30 of Nigeria's 36 states. In comparison, 80 cases in 15 states were reported in all of last year. Some 70 per cent of children infected this year were below the age of 3 and 73 per cent of them received less than three doses of oral polio vaccines during national immunization days. Immunization against polio infection was ferociously resisted in most states in Nigeria's north during national immunization days as the predominantly Moslem section of the country alleged that the vaccines supplied were laced with anti-fertility agents to keep the population in Nigeria and other poor countries low. It took strident campaigns by the Nigerian government, UNICEF and the World Health Organization to convince some of the states to accept the vaccines, which were declared safe by other stakeholders. The Nigerian government had to send a team of medical experts, religious and traditional rulers on verification missions to South Africa, India and Indonesia, where the vaccines were produced, to ascertain the safety of the products. Most states that initially resisted have approved the vaccines after they were deemed safe. .

Rwanda

Hirondelle News Agency (Lausanne) 29 June 2004 Genocide Ideology Still Alive - Parliamentary Commission Findings Arusha A rwandan parliamentary commission of inquiry set up to investigate murders of genocide survivors, Monday says that the ideology of genocide is still very much alive in all provinces in Rwanda. "The ideology is still very present, especially within religious congregations, schools and non-governmental organisations (NGOs)," stated the chairman of the commission, Hon. François Munyurangabo while presenting his report to the chamber of deputies. Among the NGO's named was human rights organisation, Ligue rwandaise pour la défense et la promotion des droits de l'homme (LIPRODHOR). The report points out that the ideology is manifested through ostracism, insults and massacres of survivors of the genocide. A dozen or so genocide survivors have been killed since November, most of them in Kaduha district in Gikongoro province (southern Rwanda). According to the Rwandan tri-weekly The New Times, three houses belonging to survivors were burnt down last week in Nyakizu district of Butare province (southern Rwanda) Munyurangabo's report recommends that the government should launch the anti-genocide commission as provided for in the constitution. The commission of inquiry was set up on January 20. It is made up of 10 members. Parliament is set to debate the findings of the report Tuesday afternoon. See www.newtimes.co.rw

AP 4 July 2004 Groups mark Rwanda genocide anniversary By ARTHUR ASIIMWE ASSOCIATED PRESS WRITER KIGALI, Rwanda -- Thousands of genocide survivors, soldiers, former rebels and farmers gathered at the national stadium for a somber ceremony Sunday marking the 10th anniversary since the fall of the extremist government that led Rwanda's 1994 genocide. Through poems and speeches, Rwandans recalled deep wounds but also took stock of how far the country had come since the dark days of the slaughter. "Our past was shaped by bad leadership that promoted discrimination. That is over," President Paul Kagame told the assembled crowd in the Amahoro Stadium, where thousands of Tutsis sought refuge during the genocide. More than 500,000 minority Tutsis and political moderates from the Hutu majority were killed in the 100-day slaughter organized by the extremist Hutu government then in power. Government troops, Hutu militia and ordinary villagers spurred on by hate messages broadcast over the radio went from village to village, butchering men, women and children. The genocide ended when then-rebels led by Kagame captured the Rwandan capital, Kigali, and ousted the extremist government on July 4, 1994. "We have in the last 10 years decided to build a new Rwanda. We have achieved a satisfactory stage which should be the basis for further achievements," Kagame said, citing the introduction of multiparty politics and the prevailing peace and security in the small central African nation. However, Kagame also hit at Rwandan insurgents based in neighboring Congo and their political leaders, who are mainly in Europe. The rebels include members of the former army and Interahamwe Hutu militia who played a central role in the genocide - and fled to Congo when Kagame ousted the extremist government. "We shall not compromise the security of our country. We shall resist any group that attempts to destabilize our country like we have done in the past," Kagame said. "We shall fight it like any other war we fought and won." The ceremony was also attended by former rebel commanders who were integrated into the Rwanda Defense Forces and awarded senior ranks on Friday. The ranks were awarded in a first step toward giving the former rebels senior positions in the militar.

HRW 2 July 2004 Rwanda: Parliament Seeks to Abolish Rights Group Human Rights Watch (Washington, DC) PRESS RELEASE July 2, 2004 Posted to the web July 2, 2004 Washington, DC The Rwandan government should reject a parliamentary request to dissolve one of the country's leading human rights groups unfairly accused by a parliamentary commission of harboring genocidal ideas, Human Rights Watch said today. After three days of debate, the Rwandan parliament on Wednesday asked the government to dissolve the League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (Ligue Rwandaise pour la promotion et la défense des droits de l'homme, or Liprodhor) and four other civil society organizations because they allegedly supported genocidal ideas. The action was recommended by a parliamentary commission that also called for the arrest of leaders of the organizations. "Dissolving Liprodhor would call into question the Rwandan government's commitment to such basic human rights as freedom of expression and association," said Alison Des Forges, senior adviser for the Africa Division of Human Rights Watch. During the parliamentary debate, the commission made sweeping and unproven accusations against Liprodhor and the other organizations, including a rural association for improving agricultural output and an association of widows whose husbands were killed during the 1997-99 uprising in northern Rwanda. The commission interpreted 'genocidal ideas,' prohibited by law in Rwanda, so broadly as to include even dissent from government plans for consolidating land holdings. "Under such a broad interpretation, any opposition to the government can be labeled 'a genocide ideology' and its proponents can be severely punished," Des Forges said. The parliamentary commission, established following the late 2003 killing of several survivors of the 1994 genocide, gathered information from local officials and others in about three-quarters of the country. It concluded that a 'genocide ideology' was widespread, found in six of the Rwanda's 12 provinces, at the national university, in a number of secondary schools and in many churches. One parliamentarian even alleged during debate that genocidal ideas had been found among survivors of the genocide, a statement that drew derision from other parliamentarians. Information presented during the parliamentary debate this week included a number of inaccuracies, but Liprodhor had no opportunity to correct errors or to respond to allegations, neither during the time the commission gathered information nor during the debate itself. The commission also called for action against several international nongovernmental organizations active in Rwanda, including Care International, Trocaire, 11.11.11 and Norwegian People's Aid. It alleged - in some cases wrongly - that these international organizations supported local groups labeled by the commission as having a 'genocide ideology.' The commission and parliamentarians also castigated the Dutch government for aiding organizations said to have a 'genocide ideology.' The Dutch government, a generous donor to both the Rwandan government and to a number of civil society organizations, was scheduled on Friday to discuss further assistance to Rwanda. The commission criticized a number of churches and religious leaders for harboring genocidal ideas and recommended the establishment of a 'forum' to govern religious activities. A similar forum, dominated by the Rwandan Patriotic Front, already supervises the conduct of political parties, which are higher restricted in terms of their opportunities for action. This is the second time that a parliamentary commission has proposed eliminating organizations. Last year a commission recommended ending the Democratic Republican Movement (MDR), the one party then capable of seriously contesting the Rwanda Patriotic Front in the upcoming national elections.

African Rights (London) 9 July 2004 PRESS RELEASE July 9, 2004 A Step Backwards for Rwanda Kigali The recommendation from the Parliament of Rwanda that the League for the Promotion and Defence of Human Rights (LIPRODHOR) and five other NGOs be dissolved is misconceived. African Rights urges the Government of Rwanda to reject the suggestion and undertake a fuller investigation. We call upon parliamentarians to move beyond the anger expressed in the heat of the debate and consider how the sensitive and difficult issues the discussion raised may best be addressed in the interests of all the citizens of Rwanda. We encourage them to review their recommendations and to explore, in an open and inclusive manner, constructive responses. Parliament had established an ad hoc committee following the murder of genocide survivors in Gikongoro in late 2003, because the murders and the harassment of people willing to testify at gacaca hearings there appeared to have been well-organised. The committee carried out interviews nationwide and from these emerged a series of accusations against several NGOs and some church groups. The debate about this report led to the recommendation that certain of these groups be dissolved. Some parliamentarians have expressed their worries that some of the attitudes held by the perpetrators of the 1994 genocide persist at various levels of society. However, the need for further research of specific allegations appears to be understood by them. Another concern of which we are aware is that officials responsible for implementing government policies may be failing to do so in some circumstances and that this is being exploited to increase tension. Equally, the broader context is that changing attitudes requires tackling widespread poverty, shortcomings in the justice system, problems of governance and the profound consequences of the genocide. African Rights firmly supports the need to promote wider understanding and agreement about the genocide and its consequences in Rwanda. We are committed to the pursuit of justice for genocide victims. We recognise that the murder of genocide survivors, and the intimidation of gacaca witnesses are matters requiring special measures and we commend any attempt to set out the broader context in which the killings of late 2003 occurred. It is regrettable, however, that the work of a parliamentary commission appointed to investigate this issue produced a confrontational response instead of a direct engagement in a search for solutions. We encourage parliamentarians to consistently show leadership and sensitivity in matters concerning the genocide and its aftermath. Insufficient evidence has been publicly presented to substantiate the accusations that the organisations and groups involved are engaged in ethnic divisionism. Without a substantial and careful investigation, the possibility of a proper debate is undermined. Moreover, although African Rights is not party to all the details of the discussion which followed the commission's report, public information about its terms and content reflected some apparent misunderstanding about the meaning of a "genocide ideology." Instead, the principal charge appears to be that the organisations in question are allegedly pursuing anti-government political activity in the guise of education or development work. If true, it may be appropriate for certain programmes to be opened to independent scrutiny. This should not equate to silencing criticism of government-a ban upon six NGOs would certainly be interpreted as such both internationally and by many Rwandese. While it would be naïve to describe civil society as neutral or to perceive it as consistently representing the perspectives and interests of ordinary people, a healthy civil society is an essential requirement of democracy, of Rwanda's development and of its future as a nation at peace with itself. Our own findings in research with all communities in Rwanda suggest that there is some reason to be concerned about the persistence of genocide denial and ethnic tension in some communities. This despite the efforts of the government to tackle the problem through gacaca and the work of the National Commission for Unity and Reconciliation. There has been some progress, in particular through the confessions of prisoners. Considerable efforts must, however, continue to be made to combat the decades of misinformation and propaganda which the people of Rwanda have been subject to. Government officials and members of civil society have a particular responsibility to set an example. It is also crucial to recognise that people's experiences and needs in the present are of primary significance if the aims of unity and reconciliation are to be achieved, and therefore the relevant discourse should not be detached from their daily reality. It is vital that the government and civil society, including the Churches, work together on matters of civic education. We offer the following recommendations: To the Government of Rwanda · Reject the resolution to ban the following organisations: The League for the Promotion and Defence of Human Rights; the Forum des Organisations Rural (FOR), Abahamya b'izuka, Souvenirs des Parents, SDA-Iriba and 11.11.11, a Belgian-based organisation with a local agency. · Consider establishing mechanisms for mediation and regulation so that where the practices of a particular organisation give rise to a substantial reason for concern about ethnic discrimination or incitement, they may be handled in a thorough, fair and measured manner. One possible approach would be the establishment of a voluntary monitoring panel including representatives appointed by civil society groups, the Churches and the government, to come up with specific guidelines on these issues and to build trust between these sectors. More broadly, it may be helpful for civil society, the Churches and the government to create a forum where they meet on a regular basis to exchange information and views about the reality on the ground in the country as a basis for confidence-building and for meeting the needs of Rwanda's people. · Establish a civic education programme to ensure that people understand the meaning of the term genocide, have access to information about the planning and implementation of the 1994 genocide on a national level, and are in a position to distinguish genocide from abuses related to war. This is likely to require public commitment to address in a more transparent and determined manner any specific allegations of human rights violations by Rwandese Patriotic Army (RPA) forces during the 1990-1994 civil war and by the national army in the years since, particularly in the northwest insurgency in 1997-1998. The alternative is that these allegations may continue to be exploited by political opponents to advance illegitimate claims of a "double genocide." Ensure that the meaning of the term "genocide ideology" is clearly defined so that it can be studied and taken on board by citizens at all levels of society. Work with willing members of civil society to promote this important endeavour. · Promote a secure environment in which public debate and discussion can begin to flourish and where people have access to sufficient information from credible sources to be able to evaluate it. · Intensify efforts to address the poverty which continues to damage the lives of the ordinary people of Rwanda and to make them vulnerable.

Xinhuanet 14 July 2004 US to strengthen military ties with Rwanda: senior US officer www.chinaview.cn KIGALI, July 13 Gen. Charles F. Wald, visiting deputy commander of the US military's European Command for Europe and Africa, said here on Tuesday the US military is going to strengthen its relationship with the Rwanda Defense Forces. Speaking at a press briefing after the signing of the Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreements (ACSA) with Rwandan Defense Minister Gen. Marcel Gatsinzi, Gen. Wald, "This is about training together, practicing for peacekeeping missions and cooperating in information sharing.'' "It's about normalizing our military relations,'' he added. "The ACSA is a bilateral international agreement for mutual support that provides the legal authority to exchange logistic support, supplies and services between the United States and the foreign military forces on a reimbursable basis," explained Gen. Wald. Gen. Wald said that the ACSA doesn't permit transferring weapons systems; major end items of equipment except for providing temporary use of general-purpose vehicles and certain other non-lethal equipment. "With the agreement it doesn't mean that the United States will provide military ammunition but logistical support, information sharing and military training to the Rwanda military," Gen. Wald said, adding that the agreement would "normalize military relations between Rwanda and the United States." The agreement paves the way for the US military to cooperate with the Rwandan army in non-lethal operations, including sharing military logistics, supplies and services, said Col. Patrick Karegeya, the Rwandan defense spokesman. Rwanda's military is largely made up of former rebels who ended the 1994 genocide in Rwanda by ousting a government of extremists from the Hutu majority, which orchestrated the slaughter of nearly 1 million people, mostly minority Tutsis and modest Hutus.

IRIN 15 Jul 2004 Rwanda: Six human rights workers flee in fear of arrest [This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations] KIGALI, 15 July (IRIN) - Six officials of a Rwandan human rights organisation have fled the country for fear of arrest following a recommendation by a parliamentary commission for the disbandment of their organisation for allegedly harbouring genocidal ideas, an official told IRIN on Thursday. The vice-president of the Rwandan League for Promotion and Defence of Human Rights (Liprodor), Francois Xavier Byuma, said the six had fled to neighbouring Uganda eight days ago. "All those fleeing are scared for their security and fear to be arrested after that report [was] made by parliament," Byuma said. "The number could grow bigger as most of our members and staff are now scared." Rwandan police confirmed the departure of the officials. "It is true that six of their members have fled the country," Theos Badenge, the police spokesman, said. A parliamentary commission of inquiry recently recommended the Liprodor's dissolution, along with four other civil society organisations, for allegedly being sectarian and promoting ethnic division. However, the government has not made a decision on the issue. Under Rwandan law, promoting ethnic differences is a punishable crime. Ethnicity was the main reason for the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, during which 937,000 Tutsis and politically moderate Hutus were killed, according to government figures. Liprodor is a human rights monitoring body, which in the past has been critical of the government's record on promoting and protecting human rights. Since the parliamentary commission made its recommendation, international human rights organisations have expressed concern over the move, calling on the Rwandan government to reject the recommendation. "Dissolving Liprodor would call into question the Rwandan government's commitment to such basic human rights as freedom of expression and association," Alison Des Forges, a senior adviser to the Africa Division of Human Rights Watch, said in a statement last week. The other affected NGOs are the Forum des organisations rurales, Souvenirs des parents, SDA-Iriba and 11.11.11, a Belgian-based organisation with a local agency. '

ctv.ca (Canada) 17 July 2004 Rwanda tries reintegrating genocide's killers CTV.ca News Staff Rwanda is about to try a major social experiment: Integrating some of the killers from its 1994 genocide back into their communities. It has been running a re-education camp for murderers. About 1,000 men and women have been learning how to rejoin the society they helped destroy. "You know Genocide is a terrible thing. We had at least to do some lessons to help them to get relieved. To help them to back to society as human beings, but not killers," said Regina Abanyuze, the camp's co-ordinator. Most had spent years languishing in Rwanda's prisons after being convicted for their role in the genocide. One graduate of the camp is Didas Kainamulagdas, who was a teenager when he joined a mob at a roadblock attacking ethnic Tutsis. "I'm a different man now," he said. "I regret what I did and I'm ready to go back home and help build my country with my fellow citizens." When he did return home, some nieces and nephews are around, but not his parents. They have moved to another village -- out of shame, some speculate. Didas may yet face a village court called Gacaca, which will determine any compensation he must pay to his victims' families. But his real trial -- and for others like him -- will be overcoming the suspicion and fear etched in his neighbors' faces. Despite that, the experts say that rehabilitation is possible. The foot soldiers of the genocide which claimed over 800,000 Rwandan lives were not evil people but largely illiterate peasants who got caught up in a mass hysteria. "People here now say it all seems like a terrible dream," said CTV's Murray Oliver at the camp. "In fact, something we heard from people again and again here is that the genocide was like a wind that swept them up and carried them into their terrible crimes." With a report from CTV's Murray Oliver

observer.guardian.co.uk 25 July 2004 Comment - Rwanda still in our human rights blind spot The force that once saved Rwanda has resorted to abuses of its own while the rest of the world looks away again, says Juliane Kippenberg of Human Rights Watch Sunday July 25, 2004 Ten years ago this month, the Rwandan genocide came to an end. For months, the world had stood by and done nothing, while Rwandan leaders organized the murder of more than half a million people. It was a rebel group, not the United Nations or any international force, which finally defeated the genocidal government. The victors, the Rwandan Patriotic Front, is still in power. It has vowed to fight against anyone who propagates genocide - on the face of it, a laudable aim. But the "fight against genocide" has become an excuse for new abuses. It served to justify four years of Rwandan occupation of eastern Congo, which in turn sparked Africa's bloodiest war. The genocide was used as a pretext for dissolving the main opposition party before presidential elections last year. Now, the RPF-dominated parliament wants the country's largest and most respected human rights organization to be dissolved - allegedly in the name of preventing genocide. In order to justify action against the League for the Promotion and Defence of Human Rights (usually known by its French-language acronym, Liprodhor) the parliament insists that Liprodhor "supports genocidal ideas". In reality, since well before the 1994 genocide, Liprodhor defended the rights of all Rwandans. It sought international action to avert the impending genocide. Those appeals fell on deaf ears. In the past decade, it has monitored genocide trials, pressing for justice to be both swift and fair. On a recent visit to the Rwandan capital, Kigali, I was struck by the atmosphere of intimidation. "If they can do this to Liprodhor, what will become of us?" asked one activist, with fear in her eyes, who has frequently spoken out in the past. Many committed activists have had to flee Rwanda in recent years. Voices criticizing government abuses have become increasingly isolated; without Liprodhor, they are in danger of being silenced altogether. The way to prevent genocide is through greater tolerance - not by muzzling those who work to protect human rights. "I know that it is difficult to manage a post-genocide society, but we should not be prisoners of our tragic past," one official from Liprodhor told a journalist last week, after fleeing to the Ugandan capital, Kampala. Meanwhile, shamefully, the rest of the world says nothing. The British government, the largest single donor to Rwanda, is understood to have raised its concerns with the Rwandan government in private - to no apparent effect. It has repeatedly refused in recent years to speak out against Rwandan abuses, whether in Rwanda itself or in the Democratic Republic of Congo, apparently still paralysed by the (justified) guilt over the Western failures in 1994. Today, Britain remains silent, as do other powerful donors. While they wait, independent civil society is suffocated. Crimes in the past do not justify repression in the present. What will it take for the British and other governments to wake up to that self-evident truth? · Juliane Kippenberg works with the Africa division of Human Rights Watch, www.hrw.org. A new edition of HRW's "Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda" was published in April.

AFP 25 July 2004 Shooting starts in Kigali for film on Rwandan genocide Kigali 25 July 2004 08:31 Filming got under way in Kigali on Saturday for the latest feature film on the Rwandan genocide, Shooting Dogs, which portrays the United Nations as having betrayed the Rwandan people in 1994. The film, funded mainly by BBC Films and set to be released in cinemas next year, has been a year in development and pre-production in Rwanda has been going on for the past two months. "It's been an intensive and hugely rewarding experience -- now we just want to get going," said producer David Belton before the start of filming on Saturday. Shooting Dogs stars John Hurt and is directed by Michael Caton-Jones. Most of the filming is being done at Ecole technique officielle (ETO), a technical high school in Kigali where more than 2 000 people took refuge in the first days of the genocide. Four days into the mayhem, once the handful of foreigners present had been evacuated from the site, United Nations troops were ordered to leave it and abandon the Rwandans who had sought protection there. Once the UN troops left the majority of the Rwandans were killed by militia. The film's title is an ironic reference to the refusal of the UN peacekeepers deployed in Rwanda to use force against the militia who carried out the genocide while they were willing to shoot the dogs that were eating the corpses littered across the capital. Two other feature films on the Rwandan genocide have so far been made this year. Haitian director, Raoul Peck, finished shooting Sometimes in April in Rwanda earlier this year and in South Africa, Terry George of Ireland, filmed Hotel Rwanda, based on the true story of a hotel manager Paul Rusesabagina who saved the lives of several hundred people during the genocide. After Shooting Dogs -- filming is scheduled to be completed in the second half of September --, Canada's Lyla Films will make an adaptation of the Gil Courtemanche novel A Sunday at the pool in Kigali. The first ever feature film on the Rwandan genocide was the very low budget 100 Days, made in 2002 and filmed in the western lakeside town of Kibuye. - Sapa-AFP

Sierra Leone

AFP 9 Jul 2004 Last Sierra Leone refugees to be repatriated by next week: UN FREETOWN, July 9 (AFP) - The final group of Sierra Leoneean refugees taking part in a UN repatriation program will arrive next week back in their west African country after a decade of brutal civil war, the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) said Friday. UNHCR information officer Idrissa Conteh told local UN radio that the initial June 30 deadline for the program, which has brought more than 260,000 people home so far, had been extended until July 16 for refugees in Liberia. "There were school teachers who want to come back but wanted to complete the academic year. There are also pupils attending schools who want to finish their final examinations," Conteh said, adding that pregnant women and the elderly were also among the late arrivals. Convoys from neighbors Liberia and Guinea, the main destinations for most of Sierra Leone's refugees, have been arriving regularly over the last several months, courtesy of the UN agency which had budgeted some 40 million dollars for the operation. Conteh said more than 3,000 people had arrived back in the west African country in the past few weeks. Each refugee receives a resettlement package of personal items and enough food for several months once they return, but the still face a daunting struggle in a country whose infrastructure was devastated by the 1991-2001 war. Unemployment hovers around 70 percent, and a majority of the people here survive on less than a dollar a day.

Sudan See also United Kingdom and United States

Famine Early Warning System Network 29 Jun 2004 www.fews.net Sudan: Darfur Crisis - Rain Timeline 29 Jun 2004 Time remaining before seasonal rains cut off sites in Darfur and Eastern Chad Once seasonal rains start in the region, much of eastern Chad will be cut off. While large towns in Darfur may be accessible, surrounding areas will be difficult to access. All efforts should be made to provide refugees and IDPs with shelter and to preposition or distribute relief supplies to last through the rainy season. Already rains have begun in most of South Darfur and parts of West Darfur. Normally within the next two weeks, the rains will start in all of West Darfur and parts of North Darfur including El Fasher. This week, rains should also set in over Abeche in Chad. - Seasonal rains are underway in Salamat and southern Ouaddai in Chad, as well as South Darfur, southern West Darfur and extreme southern parts of North Darfur in Sudan. These rains are expected to continue throughout the week. - Seasonal rains are expected to begin over northern Ouaddai and southeastern Biltine as well as northern West Darfur and southern North Darfur in Sudan. This includes the cities of Abeche, Al Junaynah and El Fasher. Some of these rains may be quite heavy at times in some locations. - Occasional showers are expected across northern Biltine in Chad and central North Darfur in Sudan. However, hot and dry conditions will still be prevalent, along with occasional blowing dust. - The monsoonal rains typically begin in mid to late May across southern South Darfur; early to mid June across northern South Darfur, southern West Darfur and southern Ouaddai; late June over central Ouaddai, central West Darfur and finally July in northern Ouaddai, northern West Darfur and southern North Darfur.

29 Jun 2004 Sudan: Mixed messages on Darfur as pressure mounts [This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations] NAIROBI, 29 June (IRIN) - The Sudanese government has welcomed the impending visits of United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan and US Secretary of State Colin Powell, which will focus on the Darfur crisis, but has also accused foreigners of trying to interfere in the country's internal affairs. Both high-profile visitors are due to arrive this week and to hold consultations with each other and the government in Khartoum: Annan will spend three days in Sudan and neighbouring Chad from 30 June; Powell will stay from 29 to 30 June. "As it happens, Secretary of State Powell's visit and my visit will coincide, and we will be together for at least one day in Khartoum, where we will be collectively putting pressure on the government to do what it has to do," said Annan at a press conference on Friday. Welcoming the visit last week, the minister of state for foreign affairs, Najib al-Khayr Abd al-Wahhab, reportedly said Annan's visit would consolidate "the partnership between the government and the UN in solving the humanitarian crisis in Darfur", according to the Sudanese News Agency, Suna. A statement issued by President Umar Hasan al-Bashir on 24 June had said "foreign quarters" were using Darfur as "an alternative entry to interference in Sudan's internal affairs", according to the Khartoum-based Al-Sahafah daily newspaper. Sudanese Foreign Minister Mustafa Uthman Isma'il reportedly added during a press conference on Saturday that he rejected "any pressure" by the US and UN concerning "conditions" in Darfur during the impending visits. The government was committed to "deter[ring] the outlaws in Darfur", while the final solution to the region's problems was linked to the "disarmament of the rebels and the armed militias", Suna quoted Bashir as saying. Under the terms of the ceasefire - which has repeatedly been broken - signed by Darfur's two rebel groups and Khartoum on 8 April, Khartoum is obliged to neutralise its allied Arab militias (the Janjawid), which are responsible for most of the displacement in the region. According to the UN, there are over one million internally displaced persons (IPDs) in Darfur, while about 200,000 have fled to neighbouring eastern Chad as refugees. The US Agency for International Development has analysed aerial photographs of 576 villages in Darfur, of which 300 have been completely destroyed and 76 substantially destroyed. Khartoum has vehemently denied allegations of wrongdoing in Darfur, and repeatedly claimed that it is making efforts to control the Janjawid. Bashir said last week that accusations of "ethnic cleansing" by some Western media were "sheer fabrications and baseless", Suna reported. But mixed messages are coming from Khartoum, according to the US government, which says the government has done almost nothing to rein in the Janjawid, and is still holding up the delivery of aid in the region. "We've seen, on the one hand, President Bashir's declaration that the militias will be disarmed. We haven't seen any real follow-through on that. And then, on the other hand, we've also heard reports that he may be retracting that statement," said Adam Ereli of US State Department on Friday. At the same time, Khartoum is claiming that the IDP situation is under control. Humanitarian Affairs Minister Ibrahim Mahmud Hamid said last week that things were "under control regarding accommodation of the displaced people in Darfur", adding that around 179,000 IDPs had been accommodated by the government, according to Suna. Last week, the US named seven Janjawid leaders and coordinators: Musa Hilal, Hamid Dawai, Abdullah Abu Shinaybat, Umar Babbush, Omada Saef, Ahmad Dekheir and Ahmad Abu Kamasha, saying that it would impose sanctions on them. It was also considering the imposition of sanctions on the Sudanese government, Ereli told reporters. Annan said not only the "field commanders" were responsible for "atrocities" and "crimes" in Darfur but "also some of the leaders who are giving the orders, who may be held responsible". The perpetrators ought to be put on notice that they would be held accountable, "whoever they are", he added. The US State Department spokesman, Richard Boucher, said on 24 June that the militias responsible for much of the violence in Darfur were still being supported by Khartoum, and that the government needed to bring them under control. "On the issue of controlling the violence, we've seen little follow-through... The government humanitarian affairs commission has said that they will bring police to south Darfur to protect civilians at the camps there, but we haven't actually seen that happen yet." "We hope they see this as an opportunity to show that they're willing to take some real action against the militias and to really open up humanitarian access," said Boucher in reference to Powell's impending visit. The US government is currently undertaking an "intensive review" to determine whether the displacement constitutes genocide. Annan said last week that it was "bordering on ethnic cleansing" and that "hundreds of thousands of lives" were at "great risk".

30 Jun 2004 Sudan announces steps to ease situation in Darfur after Powell, Annan visits by Matthew Lee KHARTOUM, June 30 (AFP) - Sudan announced steps Wednesday to ease the situation in the strife-torn Darfur region, as US Secretary of State Colin Powell and UN Secretary General Kofi Annan were in the country to press for action. Foreign Minister Mustafa Ismail told a press conference here with Powell, who had delivered a stern warning to Khartoum to ease the humanitarian crisis, that the government would tackle the problem with three steps. It would send more government forces to provide security, ease restrictions on humanitarian groups and speed up negotiations with rebel groups. "We will do our best to bring more police and more armed forces to that area. We will combat any militia or Janjawid to protect civilians," he said, referring to pro-government Arab militias blamed for a wave of killings of indigenous groups in Darfur since rebels rose up in February 2003. "We're going to enhance the speed of political negotiations. Hopefully in a very short time we will reach agreement with the rebels," he said. Khartoum, which has been accused of hampering essential humanitarian access to the region, would also ease restrictions on international aid groups, Ismail added. In a meeting with Ismail and Sudan's President Omar al-Beshir on Tuesday, Powell had outlined three main demands that were reflected in Ismail's announcement. "Unless we see more moves soon in all these areas, it may be necessary for the international community to begin considering other actions, to include (UN) Security Council action," he told reporters after meeting Beshir. Powell, who made a whirlwind visit to Darfur and a refugee camp there earlier Wednesday, said he was pleased by the announcement but wanted to see action on the ground. "I have made it clear to the minister that the international community is going to remain seized with this problem," he said, cautioning that UN sanctions "will always be an option" if the government failed to deliver. Indeed, the United States proposed Wednesday a UN Security Council resolution that would slap an arms and travel embargo on the Janjawid militia blamed for the bloodshed in Darfur. But the draft, obtained by AFP, does not spell out sanctions against the Sudanese government, which is said to have supported the militia in creating what UN officials call the worst humanitarian catastrophe in the world today. Instead, it leaves the way open for the council, within 30 days of approving the measure, to decide whether sanctions should be placed on "any other individuals or groups responsible for the commission of atrocities in Darfur." Earlier, an official accompanying Powell had accused Sudan of being "in denial" over the Darfur situation. Referring to the secretary's talks with Ismail on Tuesday evening, he said: "They (Sudanese government officials) are in a state of denial." The government was using "selective statements" from UN and aid agency reports to make their case, but Powell was not convinced, he added. "We know what's going on. In Darfur, Powell met with members of an African Union team monitoring the shaky truce signed in April. He also met the governor of North Darfur state, Osman Yusuf Kibir. He later walked through the Abu Shouk camp, a sprawling tent city on the outskirts of the state capital of El-Feshir which shelters some 40,000 people. "We are anxious to see an end to militarism out here," Powell said. "We are anxious to see the Janjawid brought under control and disarmed so people can leave the camps in safety and go back to their villages." More than 10,000 people have died in Darfur and more than a million driven from their homes since the revolt against the Arab-dominated government in Khartoum broke out among indigenous ethnic minorities. Many of the displaced persons live in dire conditions, afraid to venture outside the camps or return home for fear they will be killed by the Janjawid. But on the plane back to Khartoum, Powell appeared to come out against the idea of an international peacekeeping force for Darfur, which is roughly the size of France. "I cannot see in my mind where a peacekeeping force with the ability to sustain itself over such a large area would come from. I believe the solution has to rest with the government doing what is right" and providing security, he said. A Darfur rebel group accused the Sudanese army and its allied militias of pursuing attacks in Darfur despite a ceasefire. "We demand the deployment of international UN forces in Darfur," Mohammed Hamed Ali, a spokesman for the Sudan Liberation Army told AFP in Cairo. The UN chief, meanwhile, arrived in Khartoum on Wednesday to start a mission focused on Darfur. Annan, who has already urged Sudan to act on the crisis, was to meet with Vice President Ali Osman Mohamed Taha on Wednesday evening, along with other officials, including Humanitarian Affairs Minister Ibrahim Mahmoud Hamed, and Interior Minister General Ibrahim Mohammed Hussein. On Thursday, he is to meet with visit a camp for displaced people in Darfur and also have a meeting with Beshir before traveling on to neighbouring Chad, which has given shelter to some 100,000 refugees. Powell, who left Sudan Wednesday night, had brief talks with Annan at the Khartoum airport, according to an AFP correspondent there. Some 15 students from Darfur were injured, at least three seriously, in clashes with police in Khartoum Wednesday when around 400 of them tried to deliver a statement to Annan at the UN offices there, a student spokesman said. Another 48 students were arrested in the incident, as police launched tear gas grenades and opened fire on the students, said Tahamid Omar Jibril, secretary general of the student union at the University of Khartoum. There was no official confirmation of the incident.

BBC 30 June, 2004, Analysis: Defining genocide Black Africans say they are being driven from their homes in Darfur Human rights campaigners accuse Sudan's pro-government Arab militia of carrying out genocide against black African residents of the Darfur region. They are accused of forcing some one million people from their homes and killing at least 10,000. Many thousands more are at risk of starving due to a lack of food in the camps where they have fled. UN Secretary General Kofi Annan has refused to use the term genocide, which would carry a legal obligation to act. But US Secretary of State Colin Powell said: "We see indicators and elements that would start to move you toward a genocidal conclusion but we're not there yet." But what is genocide and when can it be applied? Some argue that the definition is too narrow and others that the term is devalued by misuse. UN definition The term was coined in 1943 by the Jewish-Polish lawyer Raphael Lemkin who combined the Greek word "genos" (race or tribe) with the Latin word "cide" (to kill). After witnessing the horrors of the Holocaust - in which every member of his family except his brother and himself was killed - Dr Lemkin campaigned to have genocide recognised as a crime under international law. Genocide is... both the gravest and greatest of the crimes against humanity Alain Destexhe His efforts gave way to the adoption of the UN Convention on Genocide in December 1948, which came into effect in January 1951. Article Two of the convention defines genocide as "any of the following acts committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: Killing members of the group Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group The convention also imposes a general duty on states that are signatories to "prevent and to punish" genocide. Ever since its adoption, the UN treaty has come under fire from different sides, mostly by people frustrated with the difficulty of applying it to different cases. 'Too narrow' Some analysts argue that the definition is so narrow that none of the mass killings perpetrated since the treaty's adoption would fall under it. The objections most frequently raised against the treaty include: The convention excludes targeted political and social groups The definition is limited to direct acts against people, and excludes acts against the environment which sustains them or their cultural distinctiveness Proving intention beyond reasonable doubt is extremely difficult UN member states are hesitant to single out other members or intervene, as was the case in Rwanda There is no body of international law to clarify the parameters of the convention (though this is changing as UN war crimes tribunals issue indictments) The difficulty of defining or measuring "in part", and establishing how many deaths equal genocide But in spite of these criticisms, there are many who say genocide is recognisable. In his book Rwanda and Genocide in the 20th Century, former secretary-general of Doctors Without Borders, Alain Destexhe says: "Genocide is distinguishable from all other crimes by the motivation behind it. "Genocide is a crime on a different scale to all other crimes against humanity and implies an intention to completely exterminate the chosen group. "Genocide is therefore both the gravest and greatest of the crimes against humanity." Loss of meaning Mr Destexhe believes the word genocide has fallen victim to "a sort of verbal inflation, in much the same way as happened with the word fascist". The slaughter in Rwanda shocked the world Because of that, he says, the term has progressively lost its initial meaning and is becoming "dangerously commonplace". Michael Ignatieff, director of the Carr Centre for Human Rights Policy at Harvard University, agrees. "Those who should use the word genocide never let it slip their mouths. Those who unfortunately do use it, banalise it into a validation of every kind of victimhood," he said in a lecture about Raphael Lemkin. "Slavery for example, is called genocide when - whatever it was, and it was an infamy - it was a system to exploit, rather than to exterminate the living." In the Democratic Republic of Congo, a renegade commander said he captured the town of Bukavu earlier this month to prevent a genocide of Congolese Tutsis - the Banyamulenge. It later transpired that fewer than 100 people had died. The differences over how genocide should be defined, lead also to disagreement on how many genocides actually occurred during the 20th Century. History of genocide Some say there was only one genocide in the last century - the Holocaust. Other experts give a long list of what they consider cases of genocide, including the Soviet man-made famine of Ukraine (1932-33), the Indonesian invasion of East Timor (1975), and the Khmer Rouge killings in Cambodia in the 1970s. Former Yugoslav leader Slobodan Milosevic is on trial in The Hague, charged with genocide in Bosnia from 1992-5. However, some say there have been at least three genocides under the 1948 UN convention: The mass killing of Armenians by Ottoman Turks between 1915-1920 - an accusation that the Turks deny The Holocaust, during which more than six million Jews were killed Rwanda, where an estimated 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus died in the 1994 genocide In the case of Bosnia, many believe that massacres occurred as part of a pattern of genocide, though some doubt that intent can be proved in the case of Mr Milosevic The first case to put into practice the convention on genocide was that of Jean Paul Akayesu, the Hutu mayor of the Rwandan town of Taba at the time of the killings. In a landmark ruling, a special international tribunal convicted him of genocide and crimes against humanity on 2 September 1998. Twenty-one ringleaders of the Rwandan genocide have now been convicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. Milosevic denies committing genocide Earlier this year, the war crimes tribunal for the former Yugoslavia widened the definition of what constitutes genocide. General Radislav Krstic had appealed against his conviction for his role in the killing of more than 7,000 Muslim men and boys in Srebrenica in 1995. But the court rejected his argument that the numbers were "too insignificant" to be genocide - a decision likely to set an international legal precedent. On Darfur, Mr Powell says: "We can find the right label for it later, we have got to deal with it now." But US envoy for war crimes Pierre Prosper has already started to compile a list of those associated with the Janjaweed Arab militia. For the moment, these are threatened with sanctions but in the future, they may be charged with genocide, like those in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia.

Amnesty 30 Jun 2004 Those responsible for war crimes must be held accountable As US Secretary of State Colin Powell, and UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan hold talks today with Sudanese President Omar al-Beshir, Amnesty International calls on the leaders to end the impunity of those who have caused human rights and humanitarian tragedies in Sudan. Responsibility for ensuring justice in Sudan rests primarily with the Sudanese government. However, the international community as a whole has a duty to fight impunity by bringing to justice perpetrators of crimes under international law through the exercise of universal jurisdiction. Ensuring justice means investigating allegations of war crimes and crimes against humanity, bringing perpetrators, commanders and accomplices to justice in fair trials without the possibility of the death penalty, and ensuring reparations for the victims. "Impunity for human rights abuses only breeds further violations. Those who have killed, raped, abducted and displaced in Darfur knew that those who had committed similar crimes in the Nuba mountains and the south did so with impunity. If those who commit war crimes are never held accountable there will never be peace in Sudan," Amnesty International said. "The rape and killings committed by the government-supported Janjawid militias in Darfur constitute war crimes. Systematic and widespread killings, rape and forced displacement are crimes against humanity. War crimes and crimes against humanity have also been committed in southern Sudan by all parties to the conflict," the organization said. On 19 June President Omar al-Bashir said on television that he would control and pursue all outlaw groups, such as the Janjawid, and present them to justice. US Secretary of State Colin Powell, and UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan should demand, in their discussions with President Omar al-Beshir, that this is implemented immediately. During 20 years of war in the south the Sudanese armed forces and militias supported by the government killed, raped and abducted thousands of Sudanese. At the same time the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA), militias allied to the SPLA and independent militias killed and raped with equal impunity. As the peace negotiations between the Sudanese government and the SPLA limped forward after 2002, the government supported Janjawid militias to attack and displace rural ethnic groups in the western Sudan after some members of these groups, complaining of marginalization and lack of protection, founded a "Sudan Liberation Army". Today, one million internally displaced people in Darfur who have fled to camps and swollen the townships in Darfur now face hunger and disease. A further 130,000 people have fled to Chad. On 5 June 2004, after two years of negotiations, peace was eventually signed between the government of Sudan and the SPLA. But the protocols which make up the peace accord do not mention accountability for past serious human rights violations. "By tolerating this impunity the government and the SPLA, as well as the mediators and observers to the peace process in the south accept that international humanitarian law can be breached with impunity," Amnesty International said. Amnesty International has frequently called for human rights monitors to be deployed in the southern Sudan to investigate allegations of serious human rights violations and for perpetrators of human rights abuses, from whatever side, to be made accountable. With regard to the conflict in Darfur Amnesty International is calling for: an international Commission of Inquiry to examine evidence of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and other violations of international humanitarian law as well as allegations of genocide; the immediate deployment of human rights monitors in Darfur in sufficient numbers and with the requisite resources to investigate and report on serious human rights violations; the disarming and disbanding of the Janjawid militias who must be put in a position where they may no longer abuse the civilian population. Sudan has signed, but not ratified, the Rome Statute setting up the International Criminal Court. The new power-sharing, government to be set up following the Nairobi peace accord between the government and the SPLA, should ratify the Rome Statute as one of its first acts. This will be a sign to the people of Sudan that the horrific breaches of humanitarian and human rights law which have happened over the past 20 years, will no longer be acceptable.

english.aljazeera.net 30 July 2004 .US says Sudan 'in denial' over Darfur The conflict has left over a million homeless in Darfur A US delegation visiting the conflict-ridden Sudanese region of Darfur has criticised Khartoum for a lack of urgency in dealing with the overwhelming humanitarian crisis. A senior US State Department official on Wednesday said the Sudanese government did not see the gravity of the humanitarian crisis, which the United Nations calls the worst in the world. "They are in a state of denial. They are in a state of avoidance. They are trying to obfuscate and avoid any consequences," said the official, who asked not to be named. Secretary Colin Powell, on a visit to Darfur, called for an end to the militias blamed for the crisis when he visited some of the one million people displaced by the conflict. "We all want them (the displaced) to return to their homes and that will require the re-establishment throughout Darfur of security, the end of fighting, the end of the Janjaweed," Powell told aid workers and Darfuris living in the Abu Shuk camp. Ethnic cleansing Many of the displaced people in Darfur live in dire conditions The Janjaweed are militias who have driven tribal villagers off the land in a campaign of ethnic cleansing which human rights groups say is verging on attempted genocide. For most of his flight to Darfur, Powell held talks with Sudanese Foreign Minister Mustafa Usman Ismail on how to deal with the Darfur crisis. In Khartoum on Tuesday evening Powell met Sudanese President Umar Hasan al-Bashir. Bashir has promised to disarm the Janjaweed and give the relief organisations access to the region. But the senior US official said: "He (Bashir) has said these things before. We'll have to see what they actually do." The US has an interest in stabilising western Sudan since the country is gaining in importance as an oil exporter. It backed a series of peace accords signed by the government and the rebel Southern People's Liberation Army to end a civil war that had claimed hundreds of thousands of lives. Powell overwhelmed Powell was mobbed by thousands of desperate Sudanese on as he toured the Abou Shouk camp which shelters some 40,000 people. "They are in a state of denial. They are in a state of avoidance" Unnamed senior official, State Department, USA Meanwhile, at the main Khartoum University campus, 22 students were injured in clashed with riot police after a group of students tried to deliver a letter to UN offices appealing for direct United Nations intervention in Darfur. "When they got about 300 metres from the UN building, police intercepted them, began hitting them, firing at them, and they released teargas," said Wail Taha, a member of the Khartoum University student union. Later, as Powell left for Darfur, UN Secretray-General Kofi Annan arrived in Khartoum on a similar mission. The two leaders have warned Sudan of UN Security Council action. More than 10,000 people have died in Darfur and more than a million been driven from their homes since the revolt against the Arab-dominated government in Khartoum broke out among indigenous ethnic minorities in February 2003. Many of the displaced persons live in dire conditions, afraid to venture outside the camps or return home for fear they will be killed by the Janjaweed. Agencies

BBC 1 July, 2004, Sudan vows to rein in militias The refugees are getting used to high-profile visits Sudan has promised action to re-impose order in the western region of Darfur, where pro-government Arab militias have been accused of ethnic cleansing. The Sudanese foreign minister said more security forces would be sent to the area to provide security. He was speaking ahead of UN Secretary General Kofi Annan's visit to Darfur, hot on the heels of US Secretary of State Colin Powell. The US has drafted a UN resolution to impose sanctions on the militias. Mr Powell warned that Sudan must take action "within days or weeks" or face UN Security Council action. Scared The Janjaweed militias are accused of terrifying black African villagers and driving about a million people from their homes. Mr Annan is visiting one of the many camps for displaced people near the North Darfur capital, El Fasher. [an error occurred while processing this directive] He will then travel to neighbouring Chad, where some 100,000 refugees have fled from Darfur. Chad fears the conflict could spread across the border. Top UN humanitarian official Jan Egeland has warned that the villagers who had been forced to flee were very scared and did not want to go home. Mr Egeland - under-secretary-general for humanitarian affairs - said the Janjaweed continued to carry out human rights abuses, and rape and sexual abuse were rampant. There have been widespread reports of men and women being attacked when they left their camps to search for food or firewood. Embargo plans The draft plan would authorise an arms embargo and ban on training for the Janjaweed. The arms are in the country, they buy them on the black-market, they buy them from other militias and soldiers Ahmed Diraige, former governor of Darfur Powell's tough message It would also impose a travel ban on Janjaweed members named on a list compiled by a Security Council committee set up to monitor the sanctions. The draft resolution also requires the Council to decide after 30 days whether the arms embargo and travel ban against the militias should be extended to others "responsible for the commission of atrocities in Darfur". It also endorses sending monitors from the African Union to Darfur and calls for a further team of human rights monitors to be despatched by the UN. 'Meaningless measures' But a former governor of Darfur, Ahmed Diraige, told the BBC's World Today programme that the embargoes on the Janjaweed have "no meaning". What drives the US in Sudan? Speaking of the travel ban he explained "these are local militias, they have never been outside their territories... their movements are internal, they are moving from village to village destroying and killing people". He said the arms embargo would be similarly ineffective: "The militias get their arms internally. The arms are in the country, they buy them on the black market, they buy them from other militias and soldiers. So really an arms embargo would only really be effective against the government." Travel warning Sudanese Foreign Minister Mustafa Ismail told reporters on Wednesday: "We will combat any militias and Janjaweed so that we secure the protection of civilians." The BBC's Ishbel Matheson in Khartoum says the government has made similar pledges before. The US and the UN, she says, are now insisting that they should be turned into reality. Hundreds of Darfur villages have been deserted Mr Ismail also promised to lift any restrictions on humanitarian workers in Darfur. Earlier on Wednesday Mr Powell visited a camp in Darfur, where he was cheered by thousands of refugees. Mr Powell's motorcade was instantly mobbed as it entered Abu Shouk camp. HAVE YOUR SAY When the international community is indecisive and slow to react it encourages such behaviour Dale Lanan, Longmont, Colorado, USA Send us your comments The UN has described Darfur as "the worst humanitarian crisis in the world". The crisis developed after two rebel groups took up arms against the government in February of last year, demanding more rights for black Africans. At least 10,000 people have been killed. A ceasefire was signed earlier this year, but frequent violations have been reported. Meanwhile, the US State Department has said it has received intelligence warnings of terror attacks against US and Western interests in Sudan. It has renewed its advice to US citizens not to travel to Sudan.

The Darfur Delay: Who's Responsible? By Jefferson Morley washingtonpost.com Staff Writer Thursday, July 1, 2004; 9:24 AM What took so long? That's what many in the international online media are asking. With the arrival of U.S. Secretary of State Colin L. Powell in the Darfur region of Sudan, the world's attention has finally been focused on an epic humanitarian catastrophe. But it didn't happen until after Arab militiamen, backed by the Sudanese army, had killed or raped tens of thousands of African farmers and driven many more from their homes, as Emily Wax reported Wednesday in The Washington Post. And as the rainy season engulfs refugee camps, malaria and malnutrition could claim the lives of another 1 million people in the western region of the country. The less-than-urgent reaction of the international community, coming exactly 10 years after the world's failure to prevent genocide in Rwanda, has stirred indignation in the international online press. Commentators searching for culprits have found plenty of plausible suspects. Sudan's Rulers "Sudan is run by a powerful class of Arab plantation owners, almost entirely from two tribes in the north-east," reported South Africa's Mail & Guardian in May. "Residents throughout Darfur, including many local Arabs, say the government is attempting to divide the country along religious and racial lines so as to maintain power," the paper said. After a 21-year civil war, the government has entered into a peace agreement with rebels from the mostly black and Christian south. This power-sharing arrangement may be threatened by the situation in Darfur. The Sudan Tribune says the "government resorts to official lies to support the hypocritical policy of publicly negating the army/militias' repression of Darfur." The Paris-based news site is especially critical of the state-controlled television channel and its "Islamized war propaganda." "Sudan TV stands alone when every other media station in the whole world repeatedly condemns the unprecedented acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and dehumanization of the DarFur innocent citizens, especially the powerless women, children and elderly by the government's air raids and the Arab militias' attacks." Arab Governments "What are the Arabs doing about this atrocity in their own back yard?" ask the editors of the Daily Star in Beirut, Lebanon. "The answer, of course -- as usual -- is nothing. At the conclusion of this year's annual Arab League summit just a few short weeks ago, a statement was issued. On Sudan, the statement 'reaffirm(ed) ... the Arab states' solidarity with the sisterly Republic of Sudan and their keenness to preserve its territorial integrity and sovereignty and reinforce all peace initiatives started by the Sudanese government with the international and regional parties.' " "We are sick of vacuous statements," the Daily Star editors concluded. "The time for action is now. In fact, the time for action was yesterday, last week, last month, last year, last decade." U.N. Bureaucrats As Julie Flint, a reporter for the Daily Star, put it in a May 14 article on Darfur, "the international reaction to mass killing has been too little - and far, far too late." "As Rwanda commemorated its dead, and a UN fact-finding mission reported finding similarities in Darfur to the 'brutalities' committed in Rwanda, the UN Security Council decided not to act, and postponed discussing the matter for a month. Once again, the UN failed to act." But U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan said the United Nations should not be blamed. "We should avoid the situations where we allow member states to hide behind the secretary general, use him as an alibi for their own inaction," Annan told the Addis Tribune in Addis Ababa, the capital of neighboring Ethiopia. It was not until yesterday, the same day Powell and Annan toured refugee camps, that the United States offered a UN resolution calling for an arms embargo and travel ban on Arab Militias, the Associated Press reported. Busy Diplomats Last week, the Arab News in Saudi Arabia reprinted a story from the Guardian of London, with the headline: "Darfur: The Cry of 'Something Must Be Done' Is Becoming Louder." Correspondent Ewen MacAskill noted that one British organization called for the imposition of a no-fly zone to keep the Sudanese military out of Darfur. "British government policy is to resist such calls and instead concentrate on diplomacy, maintaining dialogue with the Sudanese government and trying to win concessions through persuasion or pressure," MacAskill said. The U.S. government also has a stake in traditional diplomacy, according to the BBC, which notes that Sudan "has a radical Islamist government which hosted Osama Bin Laden in the early 90s." "Since then the Americans have worked hard at persuading Khartoum to be more co-operative. Osama Bin Laden was expelled, training camps were closed, and the US state department says Sudan has 'deepened its cooperation in investigating and arresting extremists.' " Secretary Powell, the BBC says, "now has to tread a fine line between putting pressure on the Sudanese government over its activities in Darfur, and driving it back into the arms of America's enemies." The Iraq Hangover MacAskill also notes that two possible solutions to the agony of Darfur--military intervention and economic sanctions—had been "largely discredited" by the experience of the United Nations in Iraq. "Blanket sanctions by the international community would add to the suffering of an already impoverished population, as happened in Iraq after the first Gulf War," he wrote. "The final logic of [military] intervention is the overthrow of the government. That would provide the UN with a problem comparable to Iraq," he wrote. The Indifferent West "One might as well ask, after such knowledge, what forgiveness?" That was the central question asked by The Times of India in an editorial about Darfur. "The Nazis killed six million or more out of hate. Today's civilised democracies prefer to kill out of benumbing indifference. The Dark Continent has exposed the quiet savagery of the rest of the world. How does one explain this callousness? At the recent G-8 meeting, the US made a strong case for writing off Iraq's debt of $120 billion. The proposal to waive Africa's $300 billion debt was once again set aside." Darfur is a tragedy with many authors. washingtonpost.com producer Ed O'Keefe contributed to this article.

IRIN 2 Jul 2004 Rebel-held villages in Southern Darfur reportedly bombed [This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations] KHARTOUM, 2 July (IRIN) - Several villages in rebel-held areas of Southern Darfur State were bombed on Thursday, relief workers said. Initial reports suggested that the villages of Marla, Labado and Muhajiriyah, all controlled by the rebel Sudan Liberation Movement Army (SLM/A), had been attacked, the sources in Southern Darfur told IRIN. Helicopter gunships had flown over Kalma camp, outside Nyala, the capital of Southern Darfur, on Wednesday evening, one of the relief workers told IRIN. On Thursday, the same gunships again flew very low over Kalma camp, pausing for effect, then travelling east to an unknown destination in the late morning and evening. Displaced people in Kalma later told relief workers that they "saw" and "heard" explosions to the east, IRIN was told. Local sources said they believed that the government could have commenced a military operation against the rebels to the east of Nyala. It was not immediately possible to get a comment from either the Sudanese military or government authorities. According to the sources, the attacks were similar to an attack in the Ta'a'ishah area in early June, except that Ta'a'ishah is not under SLM/A control. The aid workers said they expected displaced people to retreat further into SLM/A-controlled areas as a result of the attacks. On Thursday, Sudanese officials repeatedly told reporters in Al-Fashir, the capital of Northern Darfur, that rebels, who say they are fighting the government for greater recognition of non-Arab populations in western Sudan, had been responsible for all the violations of the 8 April ceasefire and attacks on civilians in Darfur. Interior Minister Abd-al Rahim Muhammad Husayn said his "main duties" were to secure and protect the people of Darfur, either in their camps or in their villages, to ensure that humanitarian aid reached all areas of Darfur and to "secure the villages" so that people could return home. Blaming the attacks against civilians on bandits - a word at times used by the government to describe the rebels - he said: "I want to protect the people from all kinds of outlaws." He said he was deploying about 6,000 policemen to maintain security, and that he would disarm militias who are reportedly allied to the government but have been accused of abusing civilians in the area. "We will disarm them, we will try them so we can protect the people," he pledged. The Sudanese government was this week warned by US Secretary of State Colin Powell and UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan that it must provide security in Darfur and allow aid into the region. Annan said he wanted to see progress within 48 hours, while Powell said he had given the Sudanese a timetable of specific tasks to be fulfilled within days and weeks; otherwise the international community would consider tabling a UN resolution condemning Sudan's actions, Powell said. Sudanese Foreign Minister Mustafa Uthman Isma'il assured Powell of his cooperation and thanked him for his visit. "I would like to assure him [Powell] of our full cooperation with the US, with the international community, with the UN, the NGOs," he said.

AFP 1 Jul 2004 Darfur rebels accuse Khartoum of bombing three villages LIBREVILLE, July 1 (AFP) - The Sudanese air force on Thursday bombed three villages in Darfur, a spokesman for one of the rebel groups fighting the Khartoum government and an allied militia in the western part of Sudan said. "The bombing raids were still continuing at midday and we don't know yet if there were any victims," Colonel Abdallah Abdel Kerim of the rebel Equality and Justice Movement (MJE) told AFP in Libreville by telephone. He said three Antonov aircraft had bombed the towns of Lobodou, Mahadjiriya and Samfodo, around 70 kilometers (42 miles) east of Nyala, capital of South Darfur. The accusations come as UN Secretary General Kofi Annan visited Darfur, which the United Nations has described as having the worst humanitarian situation in the world. Annan's visit to the war-torn region was preceded by one day by US Secretary of State Colin Powell, who delivered a stern warning to Khartoum to ease the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. At least 10,000 people have been killed in Darfur since fighting broke out in the western Sudanese region in February last year, when black African rebel groups rose up against the government in Khartoum. The Sudanese government's response was to give an Arab militia, the Janjawid, a free rein in cracking down on the rebels. The Janjawid have been accused of conducting a scorched earth policy and committing "ethnic cleansing" in Darfur. One million people have been displaced within the region and at least 120,000 refugees have poured into neighbouring Chad. Darfur rebels and the Khartoum government signed a ceasefire on April 8, but have since accused each other of repeatedly violating the pact. Pro-Khartoum militias have also been accused of attacking towns and villages inside Chad, bringing a sharp response from Ndjamena and a warning of the possible consequences. "If the raids are not brought under control, we will take measures to guarantee the security of refugees and Chadians who live in these regions," Chadian President Idriss Deby warned on Wednesday. The UN's World Food Programme said Thursday the ceasefire has largely held, but marauding militias have continued attacks on civilians.

1 Jul 2004 Thousands will die in Darfur without military-backed relief effort - WHO GENEVA, July 1 (AFP) - About 10,000 more people are likely to die over the coming month in Sudan's strife-ridden Darfur region unless a massive international aid operation with military logistics gets off the ground swiftly, a global health official said Thursday. "We anticipate that if things go ahead as they are at the moment, 10,000 people will die in the next month," the World Health Organisation's top emergencies expert, David Nabarro, said after visiting the region in western Sudan. Nabarro estimated that a "strong and effective" relief operation could bring the death rate down to about 3,000 a month, which would be more in keeping with other emergencies. Nabarro, who earlier briefed UN Secretary General Kofi Annan before his visit to Darfur on Thursday, emphasised that huge logistics and air support were needed to tackle the threat of cholera, dysentery and malaria among 1.2 million displaced people. "The scale of operation in terms of personnel, helicopters, trucks, communications is really way beyond what we the UN can ourselves do," he said, pointing out that logistics in crises in the Balkans, East Timor or Afghanistan had been provided by an international military force. "It's bigger than the Balkans and it's bigger than Afghanistan," Nabarro added. "Somehow, we the United Nations have to build an infrastructure that's big enough to give the basic needs for life to a million people plus in awful locations in an area the size of France." Annan was likely to announce a 90-day plan to deliver aid to the region after wrapping up his visit to Darfur, UN officials said. Nabarro outlined a threatened cycle of diarrheal disease two to three weeks into the onset of the rainy season, which is beginning, followed by cholera emerging at four weeks, and dysentery setting in two to three weeks later. But the health official said a worst case scenario of up to 300,000 deaths due to cholera, mentioned by the UN in recent months, was likely to be averted thanks to the efforts of private relief agencies. About 900,000 of the displaced are spread across 130 makeshift camps with little water and no sanitation, while health care is blighted by impoverished, rundown hospitals, where people sometimes have to bribe their way to care. Nabarro urged a "crash" improvement programme for the 13 hospitals in Darfur to give them water, electricity, basic hygiene, supplies, and infection control, and to add care for women who have been raped. "The damage to society has been particularly perpetrated through groups of women being brought together and being raped collectively in an organised way," Nabarro said, declining to estimate their number beyond the "thousands". "The raped person is usually marked in some way, usually with a branding," he added. At least 10,000 people have been killed in Darfur since February 2003 when local rebels rose up against the government in Khartoum, prompting the government to give Janjawid militia a free rein in attacks on villages.

Reuters 2 Jul 2004 Children of Darfur marked by Rwanda-like violence By Stephanie Nebehay GENEVA, July 2 (Reuters) - A generation of Sudanese children in Darfur has been traumatised by violence as brutal as that haunting Rwandan youth who survived genocide 10 years ago, the U.N. Children's Fund said on Friday. At least 500,000 children are among an estimated 1.2 million displaced people forced to flee their villages in the western region after Arab militias went on a rampage of rape and murder, it said in a statement. UNICEF has set up 20 makeshift support centres and 10 primary-age classes in the camps, where children are encouraged to draw as a way of relieving the shock of what they witnessed. A "significant number" of children displaced in Darfur have either been direct victims of violence or have witnessed it. "Most have seen their mother or brother killed, many have seen their mothers, sisters or aunts being raped and killed," spokesman Damien Personnaz told a briefing. He described their testimonies as "absolutely terrifying". "We have a new generation of children who are traumatised, who have been left with dramatic psychological scars," he said. Rwanda, where an estimated 300,000 of the 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus slaughtered by Hutu extremists were children, was even more gruesome. Children took up arms against each other, according to Personnaz, who was deployed there 10 years ago. "We are very close to what happened in Rwanda, where children witnessed similar atrocities," he told Reuters. After years of conflict in Darfur between nomadic Arab tribes and African farmers, two groups rebelled last year, accusing Khartoum of arming0 the Janjaweed, which the government denies. The United Nations says two million have been caught up in the fighting, creating the world's worst humanitarian crisis. David Nabarro, a senior official of the World Health Organisation (WHO) just back from Darfur, said sexual violence was being widely used as a weapon of war there. "The rape is done in an organised and destructive way. Branding is used to make it clear to everybody that this person has been violated," he told reporters. Victims numbered "well into the thousands", he said. The U.N. refugee agency UNHCR, which is providing aid to 170,000 Sudanese refugees who have fled to eastern Chad, said experts in child protection and dealing with sexual violence were among 10 additional expatriate staff being deployed there.

UPI 2 July 2004 Khartoum shuffles refugees for show Meshkel, Sudan, Jul. 2 (UPI) -- Sudan's government apparently has been shuffling many of its black refugees to gloss over the scale and severity of ethnic cleansing in Darfur. U.N. officials say Secretary General Kofi Annan's tour this week of a refugee camp found none of the 3,000 refugees who had been there hours earlier, the Washington Post reported Friday. Apparently they were trucked overnight to an already over-crowded camp 12 miles away, said Jan Egeland, the U.N. undersecretary general for humanitarian affairs. "I can't imagine why they were spontaneously moved. Probably these people will be back tonight," Egeland said. U.N. officials conceded upcoming rains could threaten the area, but also said Khartoum was aware Abu Shouk was too crowded to accept more refugees. "Of course it's a concern," Annan said, referring to refugee shuffling. "We are trying to sort it out. The team on the ground is following it up actively." Aid workers say Khartoum is working hard to play down the crisis in Darfur as a string of high-level international delegations arrive.

AFP 2 Jul 2004 Sudan army accuses Darfur rebels of attacking military unit KHARTOUM, July 2 (AFP) - The Sudanese army has accused rebels of violating a ceasefire agreement by attacking one of its units in the country's troubled western region of Darfur, state-run radio reported Friday. The armed forces general command said that on Wednesday and Thursday armed rebels attacked an army unit escorting humanitarian relief convoys heading from Nyala to Ed Diein in Southern Darfur state, Radio Omdurman said. Government troops "inflicted heavy losses on the rebels and seized a considerable number of weapons," the radio quoted the statement as saying. On Thursday, a spokesman for one of the rebel groups fighting the Khartoum government and an allied militia in the region said the Sudanese air force bombed three villages in Darfur. At least 10,000 people have been killed in Darfur since fighting broke out in the western Sudanese region in February last year, when black African rebel groups rose up against the government in Khartoum. Darfur rebels and the Khartoum government signed a ceasefire on April 8, but have since accused each other of repeatedly violating the pact.

AFP 2 Jul 2004 Sudan to set up 18 "settlements" for million Darfur refugees: report KHARTOUM, July 2 (AFP) - Sudan will set up 18 "settlements" in strife-torn western Darfur to house more than a million people who fled the fighting and will train them to use guns to defend themselves, a newspaper reported Friday. The independent Al-Sahafa daily quoted Interior Minister Major General Abdel Rahim Mohamed Hussein as announcing the plan amid heavy US and international pressure to end the humanitarian crisis. Hussein said eight settlements would be set up in Southern Darfur state and five each in Western and Northern Darfur states. The plan will "facilitate offering services and protection of the villagers who were previously living in numerous scattered villages," the minister said. At least 10,000 people have been killed in Darfur since February 2003 when rebels rose up against Khartoum, prompting the government to give marauding Janjawid militia a free rein to attack villages. The World Health Organisation has warned that some 10,000 more people are likely to die over the coming month in Darfur without a massive aid operation. About 900,000 of the displaced are spread across 130 makeshift camps with little water, no sanitation and poor health care. The onset of the rainy season is expected to make their situation worse and many of the displaced are still afraid to return home because of the Janjawid. Hussein, who is also the presidential representative in Darfur and holds considerable power over the area, added that the displaced "will be trained in carrying weapons so they can take part in defending themselves in the new positions." The measures are in addition to steps Khartoum announced earlier this week during visits to Darfur by US Secretary of State Colin Powell and UN chief Kofi Annan, including sending more government forces to provide security and easing restrictions on humanitarian groups. However the minister described the food situation in Darfur as satisfactory, saying there were now 117,000 tonnes of provisions which could meet the region's needs for several months.

Background Article: National Post (Canada) 1 Dec 1999 www.nationalpost.com Sudan camps feed on religious hate, UN largesse Inmates starved, mutilated: Critics say UNICEF helping to legitimize 'houses of torture' Charlie Gillis National Post Wednesday, December 01, 1999 Charlie Gillis, National Post At 16, Andrew Sawus was taken to a Sudanese "peace camp" where guards beat him so severely he was left half-blind, mute and unable to use his arms. Today, he communicates by writing messages with his feet, the same way he feeds himself. TABANGA, Sudan - In southern Sudan -- where the government describes forced evacuation as assistance and houses of torture as peace camps -- language is only one casualty in a religious and political war. To this Andrew Sawus, a 21-year-old from the village of Tabanga, can attest: At 16, he was dragged to a peace camp in Burum County, where guards sought to "cure" him of his Christianity by binding his wrists and ankles in a single knot behind his back. The guards then proceeded to punch, kick, whip and beat him with sticks, demanding that he renounce his faith in favour of Islam. One blow to the back of his head with a rifle butt left him unconscious and unable to voice his religious proclivities, one way or the other. Today, Mr. Sawus communicates with a reporter by writing messages in the dust with his feet or nodding to questions because the strike to his head left him half-blind and mute. It is the same manner in which he has learned to eat, because both his arms were rendered useless from being bound for a week, he says, while he lay semi-conscious in a red brick hut. His left arm now sits reverse in its socket, with the elbow jutting painfully forward, while the right hangs uselessly at his side. Experiences such as Mr. Sawus', along with those of dozens of Sudanese who have survived stints in the country's so-called peace camps, are drawing increasing attention to what critics regard as one of the most insidious weapons in Khartoum's campaign against southern rebels. Sudan has been locked in a civil war, between the mostly Islamic north and Christian south since the early 1980s, that has killed nearly two million and displaced another four million. The camps first appeared in 1990, one year after the National Islamic Front took power in a coup and launched a holy war against what it described as infidels. Of at least 10 so-called peace camps known throughout Sudan, a handful in the region of the Nuba Mountains have gained reputations as places where Christians are routinely tortured, starved or turned over as slaves to Muslims unless they agree to renounce their faith. "They are anything but peaceful," says Bona Malwal, editor of the London-based Sudan Democratic Gazette, who has researched the camps for nine years and interviewed dozens of survivors. "They are really concentration camps. There is no other way to describe them." Mr. Malwal, who served as a cabinet minister in Sudan during the 1970s, has been trying for years to draw international scrutiny to what goes on in the camps, saying the government has deluded the international community into believing they are safe havens from the country's relentless civil war. It is true that for many of those displaced by the government's offensives, the camps represent their sole source of food, clothing and shelter. But Mr. Malwal and refugee advocates in the United States say food is routinely used as leverage in these struggles, a strategy they characterize as a classic genocidal manoeuvre. They have singled out the UN International Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF) for particular criticism because it has been dropping off food, clothing and medicine at the camps, which critics say fuels the government's practices. "The government has consistently used food as a weapon in Sudan and it never gets burned for it," says Roger Winter, a spokesman for the U.S. Committee on Refugees, a non-governmental organization working in the region. "Yes, it is tough to balance the interests in these situations. But if you're someone like UNICEF, you're the big boy on the block, and if you can't do it yourself, there are ways of finding somebody else to blow the whistle." Nils Kastberg, UNICEF's director of emergency programs, acknowledges that supplying the camps could be read as legitimizing them, but adds, "we're damned if we do and damned if we don't." "Immunizing children in the camps may be perceived as support," he says. "On the other hand, it could save the lives of some of those children. It's not as if we condone the camps or even like doing this. It is under duress, for the sake of life, that aid is being provided." The number of camps in Sudan is not known outside government circles, although Mr. Malwal says there are at least six within the Khartoum region. The most notorious, however, is the one to which Mr. Sawus was dragged in March, 1995, located near the government-controlled village of Kadugli. The zeal of the guards and soldiers there has become well-known. Last Thursday, soldiers seeking an escapee from the camp stormed into a farm near Tabanga and opened fire on scattering civilians, hitting one woman in the knee. The shots were clearly audible to aid workers and a National Post reporter in a nearby village. Mr. Sawus, speaking through a translator, recalls the camp as a former village that had been forcibly evacuated by Khartoum's army during an offensive on the Nuba region. The main buildings consisted of straw-roofed buildings once used as schools, churches and homes, and the compound was surrounded by a ring of thorn trees and land mines, he says. When he arrived, he was thrown into a hut, where he was lashed with a whip normally used on camels. The assault lasted 20 minutes before he was released to another building, where relatives were staying, but he was back before the guards within a week, he says, this time over his faith. "They beat him many, many times," a translator explains as Mr. Sawus scrawls his story in the dust at his feet, then on a notebook provided to him by a relative. "They kicked with boots. They stepped on him. They beat him with a stick. Then they hit him on the head with the stock of gun." Mr. Sawus says he lay on the floor where he had been struck for a week before guards dragged him back in with his relatives, who spoon-fed him and begged for his release. In mid-June -- fully three months after he had been taken to the camp -- soldiers drove him to a trail east of the camp and dumped him on the roadside. He was rescued a few hours later by passers-by, who packed his limp body back to Tabanga. These days, Mr. Sawus survives on the mercy of family members, who supply him with beans, goat meat and sorghum meal, and give him water by hand. Far from upsetting or discouraging them, his condition appears to have strengthened their resolve against Khartoum. "They're glad he survived," the translator says, quoting family members. "They say he is an inspiration to them all." .

csmonitor.com July 2, 2004, updated 1:30 p.m. No blinking on Darfur International community challenged to prevent threat of famine and near-genocide in Sudan. by Jim Bencivenga | The eyes of the world are on the Darfur region in western Sudan, where an estimated 10,000 people have been killed and more than a million have left their homes, reports China View in a comprehensive overview of the major events leading up to Sudan's Darfur crisis. The UN has described the situation as "the worst humanitarian crisis in the world," reports the BBC. In a similar vein, the Chicago Tribune editorialized today that "The killing taking place in Darfur, in western Sudan, has to be the best-documented humanitarian catastrophe ever." There is a growing fear that history may be repeating itself in the Sudan, as images from the region trigger memories of the world's inaction toward the genocide that occurred in Rwanda. A Houston Chronicle editorial confronts this problem: There are many explanations for the world's paralysis on Darfur. They include distraction by Iraq, leadership failure from Arab nations that could help, and reluctance to let Darfur's year-old crisis halt a new peace accord for Sudan's two-decade war between North and South. The explanation that may live in history, though, recalls Rwanda: It didn't matter enough. Current "inaction" in the light of Rwanda's history is "inexcusable," writes the Chcago Tribune. The United States has been the most active nation in pressuring Sudan's government and donating tons of food for the refugees, mostly across the border in Chad…. More must be done. Economic sanctions are a start. An international military force, ideally made up of African countries, is another option. Sudan must stop supporting the Janjaweed [Arab militias terrorizing black Sudanese] and allow shipments of food and medicine to flow unimpeded to the refugee camps. Prompting such outcries and bringing the crisis to the front pages of newspapers worldwide were the recent visits of United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan, and US Secretary of State Colin Powell, who separately toured refugee sites June 30 in Sudan as part of international fact-finding missions. Their visits aimed to halt the suffering and violence in Darfur. Both Annan and Powel employed diplomacy, politics, and moral persuasion. "We should avoid the situations where we allow member states to hide behind the secretary general, use him as an alibi for their own inaction," Annan told the Addis Tribune in Addis Ababa, the capital of neighboring Ethiopia. The editors of the Daily Star in Beirut, Lebanon picked up the gauntlet thrown down by Annan, writing: While the United States is considering formally labeling the Darfur crisis as a genocide in progress, the world - the world beyond the Arab world that is - is justified in asking the following question: 'What are the Arabs doing about this atrocity in their own back yard?' 'The answer, of course - as usual - is nothing.' At the conclusion of this year's annual Arab League summit just a few short weeks ago, a statement was issued. On Sudan, the statement 'reaffirm(ed) ... the Arab states' solidarity with the sisterly Republic of Sudan and their keenness to preserve its territorial integrity and sovereignty and reinforce all peace initiatives started by the Sudanese government with the international and regional parties. "We are sick of vacuous statements," the Daily Star concluded. "The time for action is now. In fact, the time for action was yesterday, last week, last month, last year, last decade." Powell's visit, reported by The Christian Science Monitor Wednesday, highlighted the humanitarian crisis, but also fulfilled other White House goals: If the Bush team can bring Sudan back into the family of nations, as it did this week with Libya, it would gain a diplomatic victory for the war on terror. It could also fire up its Christian-conservative base by securing a peace deal in Sudan's other war, a 21-year conflict between the Muslims in the north and the largely Christian south. And it could keep critics from having another issue with which to pillory its foreign policy if it can prevent a repeat of Rwanda's 1994 genocide in Sudan. Elizabeth Blunt, an Africa analyst for the BBC, sees Powell's visit as also stemming from Sudan's place in President Bush's war against terrorism. It has a radical Islamist government which hosted Osama Bin Laden in the early 90s; a number of attacks against US interests were planned from Sudan. Since then the Americans have worked hard at persuading Khartoum to be more co-operative. Osama Bin Laden was expelled, training camps were closed, and the US state department says Sudan has "deepened its cooperation in investigating and arresting extremists". Colin Powell now has to tread a fine line between putting pressure on the Sudanese government over its activities in Darfur, and driving it back into the arms of America's enemies Meanwhile, intones the Houston Chronicle, if famine and a great human catastrophe are to be avoided, "The United States, Europe, and the Arab world have only a few weeks to assemble food airlifts and monitor teams - and plan how to get them into Darfur if Khartoum won't help."

AI INDEX: AFR 54/074/2004 2 July 2004 AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL PRESS RELEASE AI Index: AFR 54/074/2004 (Public) News Service No: 167 2 July 2004 Sudan: The UN Security Council should stop arms transfers to Sudan and the Janjawid militia The United Nations (UN) Security Council should stop the transfer of arms being used to commit mass human rights violations in Darfur Amnesty International urged today while releasing a report based on satellite images showing large-scale destruction of villages in Darfur over the past year. "The Security Council draft resolution proposed by the US calling for the Sudan government to immediately fulfil all the commitments it has publicly made to cease military attacks in Darfur and to protect civilians, is welcome and long overdue," Amnesty International said. "However, the arms embargo imposed, according to the resolution, solely against the Janjawid militias is not enough. We have seen ample evidence that the Janjawid are armed, funded and supported by the Sudanese government. Therefore any UN Security Council resolution for the suspension of transfers of arms used to commit human rights violations must be directed not only against militias, but also against the Sudan government. This suspension should be imposed immediately and should continue until human rights are secured." The satellite photos of a small area in western Darfur, taken in March 2003 and May 2004, vividly demonstrate the pattern of destruction of villages in Darfur by the Janjawid. At least 155 villages bore signs of being burnt between March 2003 and May 2004 -- 44% of the villages in the satellite image. Over the past 15 months, Amnesty International has interviewed hundreds of victims who fled from the area shown in the satellite images. Their experiences of death, destruction, rape and flight illustrate the stark picture of the satellite images. "It was early in the morning, people were sleeping. About 400 armed people cordoned the village, with military uniforms, the same ones worn by the army, with vehicles and guns. A plane came later, to see if the operation was successful. At least 82 people were killed during the first attack. Some were shot and others, such as children and elderly, were burnt alive in their houses," a villager told Amnesty International delegates about an attack on Murli, near al-Jeneina, in August 2003. Those who fled their villages said that Sudanese soldiers accompanied the Janjawid who destroyed the villages. The Janjawid are reported to operate out of former armed forces camps. Sudan air force planes and helicopters indiscriminately and deliberately bombed civilians and sometimes appeared to have carried out reconnaissance before and after the attacks. Members of the Janjawid reportedly told victims that they were attacking on government orders. A refugee from Jafal interviewed in Chad in November 2003 said the Janjawid told him: You are opponents to the regime, we must crush you.Then all the Darfur region will be in our hands. The government is on our side. The government plane is on our side to give us ammunition and food." Over the past year most of the Janjawid have been integrated into the Sudanese Popular Defence Forces (PDF), part of the Sudanese armed forces. Those who have been displaced say that most of the Janjawid who accompanied the attacks were wearing army uniform. The UN Security Council should adopt a resolution that: immediately orders the suspension of arms transfers and related materiel used by Janjawid and government forces to commit human rights violations in Darfur. The resolution must include a strong monitoring mechanism which could inter alia investigate possible violations of the arms embargo and report periodically on its findings; deploys human rights monitors in sufficient quantity and adequately resourced, with a clear mandate to investigate ongoing human rights violations in Darfur and the protection of civilians in particular in the IDP camps, and to make its findings and recommendations public; creates an international commission of inquiry to examine evidence of war crimes, crimes against humanity and other violations of international humanitarian law as well as allegations of genocide and to make its findings and recommendations public. The European Union has imposed an embargo on arms, munitions and military equipment on Sudan since 1994. In January 2004 the Council of the European Union decided to maintain the embargo in view of the ongoing civil war in the country.The United Nations (UN) should impose an arms embargo on the government of Sudan and its Janjawid allied militias until full respect for human rights can be ensured Amnesty International urged today while releasing a report based on satellite images showing destruction of villages in Darfur over the past year. To view the satellite images showing destruction of villages in Darfur, go to: http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGAFR540722004

WP July 2, 2004;Next in Darfur Friday, Page A14 THE GREATEST humanitarian catastrophe since the Rwandan genocide is at last getting the attention it deserves. Over the past two days Secretary of State Colin L. Powell and U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan have paid visits to Darfur, the western Sudanese province where more than 1 million people have been chased out of their homes by government-backed militia forces, and where the death count in unsanitary and undersupplied refugee camps is likely to exceed a third of a million. Mr. Powell and Mr. Annan aimed to impress on Sudan's government that inaction in the face of this suffering will not be tolerated, and the pressure appears to be working. Having deliberately created this crisis, Sudan's rulers now promise to rein in their militia allies; to stop impeding humanitarian access to Darfur; and to open political talks today with Darfur's rebels, whose uprising provoked the monstrous policy of burning villages, turning farmers into refugees and waiting for them to die. The first challenge over the coming weeks will be to hold Sudan to these commitments. Given the space to do so, the government will doubtless revert to its pretense that the plight of Darfur is exaggerated. There is "no famine," the foreign minister declared on Tuesday, notwithstanding reports from aid workers that famine-related deaths are running at about 1,000 per week. Equally, a government that oozes contempt for the lives of its own citizens cannot be trusted to rein in their assailants. When students in Sudan's capital tried to deliver a petition this week to Mr. Annan about the plight of Darfur, security forces opened fire on them. To ensure that Sudan sticks to its commitments, the United States and its allies must push ahead with a U.N. Security Council resolution that threatens members of the Sudanese regime with sanctions if the commitments are not met. The second challenge is to seize the opportunity to get relief supplies into Darfur. Torrential rains are starting to make roads impassable, so this will require a major airlift as well as procurement of relief supplies on a large scale. The United Nations has appealed for $350 million to finance a relief effort, and yesterday a World Health Organization official, newly returned from the region, said it would take a fleet of 20 helicopters to contain outbreaks of cholera and dysentery in the 137 refugee camps spread out across Darfur, an area the size of France. But donor governments have come up with less than half of the money that is needed. According to a U.N. count of firm commitments since March, the United States has promised $62 million, Britain about $11 million. But Germany, France and Japan have each promised less than $4 million. The tightfistedness of these allies is outrageous, as is the reluctance of France and other members of the U.N. Security Council to support a tough resolution on Darfur. To excuse their failure to contribute to Iraq's reconstruction, these nations complain that the Bush administration's Iraq policy was insufficiently deferential to the United Nations. But none other than the U.N. secretary general has just visited Darfur to demonstrate the urgency of humanitarian action. What excuse can there be now?

www.eastandard.net July 11, 2004 Oil driving US’ move on Sudan By Kibisu Kabatesi Darfur, the international community unanimously agrees, is "the worst humanitarian crisis of our time". One million people have been internally displaced in Darfur, western Sudan, while 200,000 face annihilation in their refuge in Chad. The region symbolises the laggardness of international response and half-heartedness of intervention in crises when national interests take priority over human suffering. Even as the systematic killing and displacement of black Africans by the Janjaweed militia of Arab extraction defined the racial motive in the conflict, US Secretary of State Colin Powell and UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan have refused to acknowledge that it is genocide. (Powell calls it ethnic cleansing.) Alarm was raised about a year ago by humanitarian agencies, which pointed at the collusion and covert support of the Janjaweed and intransigence of the Sudanese government in denying relief access to victims. It was not until last week that pressure intensified. Powell was in Sudan reading the riot act to President Omar El Bashir. The threat of immediate sanctions was reinforced by the presence of Annan who toured Darfur. Interestingly, Powell’s travel and arms sanctions threat is directed at the Janjaweed and not Bashir’s administration, sending mixed signals on why the US is hesitant over a direct confrontation with the Bashir regime. Analysts have explained renewed US vigour in forcing the Sudanese out of intransigence on a new moral sensitivity for victims of violence in Africa. This revisionism clearly contradicts recent US behaviour in response to conflict in Africa. Throughout the period, civil war bonfires were alight in west and central Africa, and the US has only expressed outrage. Other than the intervention that forced Charles Tailor into exile in Nigeria, the US has been satisfied with occasional condemnation. There are now questions on what makes Sudan special. As the war against terror has intensified, Sudan, once a pariah state, has been coddled by the US. Where the US has been hard on the so-called terrorist states of Iran and Syria, it has embraced El-Bashir’s regime. Sudan was removed from the list of terrorist countries and sanctions imposed by the Clinton administration lifted. An unlikely candidate because of ongoing systematic human rights violations in Darfur, the Sudan gained membership to the UN Human Rights Commission. Pundits are quick to point at the ongoing peace process between the Khartoum regime and John Garang’s Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) as the reason the US is not ready to go bare-knuckled against El-Bashir. The US has invested heavily in the Nairobi-based process and there is manifest desire to see peace return to Africa’s largest country. However, the US involvement is not a newfound whim of philanthropy by Washington. There is a deliberate strategic national interest: access to oil. Since the Clinton administration, the US has been angling to diversify its oil supplies away from the turbulent Middle East region. Though Saudi Arabia oil reserves outstrip all production in Africa, the potential for oil reserves in Africa is far greater against the fear of decline in the Middle East. Furthermore, African oil is nearer to US, hence cheaper to transport. Besides the turmoil in the Arab region, the Middle East is not only expensive in terms of transportation and political uncertainty, it is far more costly to police given that the US maintains the largest military presence in the region. The US monitors the oil routes and production as well. The situation has been made worse by the invasion of Iraq, which prompted hardline militant groups to target the $250 billion reserve oil facilities in Saudi Arabia and Iraq. The war against terror, whose by-product has been increased terrorist threats on US access to Arab oil, has spurred the urgency for alternative sources for the black gold. Oil producers in sub-Saharan Africa are now sought after as allies and Libya now exports oil to the US. The original "you are either with us or against us" mantra in the war against terror has petered as the economic reality of access to oil has hit home. The US has increased policing of the West Africa’s oil producing region. The US carrier USS Harry Truman has been deployed on Africa’s Atlantic coast under an exercise dubbed "Summer Pulse 04". The US passes off the exercise as part of the war against terror, but the reason is the oilfields off the west coast of Africa, described as the fastest growing source of oil over the past 10 years. The US strategic interests in Africa are in the unveiling of the "Africa Doctrine" last year, which involves stability of oil states and therefore energy security. One of the pillars of the doctrine is the African Coastal Security Programme announced in April 2003, weeks before the invasion of Iraq. To ensure stability in the supply of oil, the US is helping the Nigerian military contain civil unrest. And Nigeria has received four of seven military ships. Despite insistent denials by US Assistant Secretary of State for Africa, Mr Walter Kansteiner, the signs are that a navy base is likely in the Gulf of Guinea, possibly on the Island of Sao Tome, where America is funding a deep-sea port. The US oil interests target Africa’s 20 per cent oil contribution to the world market and 60 million barrels of proven oil reserves west of the continent. In June 2002, the BBC quoted oil industry sources confident of deep-water discoveries that would boost the production on the Atlantic rim for old players like Nigeria, Angola, Gabon, Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea, and newcomers like Sao Tome. Sudan falls into this orbit not for its current production levels but for its potential to supplement the Gulf of Guinea oil belt. With peace imminent in southern Sudan, Darfur can only be an inconvenience to a possible link line from Chad to the previously "blood oil" in Southern Sudan.

washingtonties.com 12 July 2004 Once again, in Darfur The U.N. Security Council appears ready to turn a blind eye toward the certain death of hundreds of thousands of Sudanese. The international community has not only lost what Secretary of State Colin Powell has called a "race against death" in Sudan's western Darfur region, but it also has been unwilling to take steps to try to salvage what lives can still be rescued. A U.S.-sponsored resolution that would place a travel ban and arms embargo on murderous militias in Sudan is not being supported by enough countries, Reuters reported on Friday. The resolution also would give the Arab-dominated Sundanese government 30 days to implement the promises it has already committed to. European countries — including Britain, France, Germany, Spain and Romania — are backing the resolution at the 15-member council. But China, Russia, Pakistan, Algeria, Brazil and others have withheld support. Given the duration of the crisis, the concerted diplomatic efforts already expended trying to spur the government into action and the scale of the humanitarian catastrophe in Darfur, the unwillingness of those countries to back what is already an accommodating resolution is akin to tolerating ethnic cleansing, at best, and genocide, at worst. A general willingness to grant the Sudanese government a chance to deal with the humanitarian crisis is, of course, understandable. But this space already has been granted. The Bush administration has estimated that as many as 300,000 displaced Sudanese will die by year's end despite major infusions of American and other foreign aid. About 30,000 people have died since early 2003, and more than 1 million have been driven from their homes. "Despite the promises that have been made, we have yet to see these dramatic improvements," Mr. Powell said Thursday. "Only actions, not words, can win the race against death in Darfur. And we will not rest. We will continue to apply pressure." The response from African nations to the crisis — which stems from years of fighting over scarce arable land and water, and the government favoring Arab communities — has been underwhelming. At a meeting of the African Union last week, leaders pledged to deploy 300 troops to protect a mission of monitors who have been observing a cease-fire. The deployment may help assuage the consciences of African leaders, but it is difficult to imagine how such a small force can stop the killing. The phrase "never again" seems destined to be constantly repeated.

NYT 15 July 2004 OP-ED CONTRIBUTOR Sudan's Ravines of Death By JOHN PRENDERGAST IN NORTHERN DARFUR, Sudan While Secretary of State Colin Powell, Secretary General Kofi Annan of the United Nations, and several members of Congress were in government-controlled areas of Darfur a few weeks ago, I crossed into Darfur's rebel-held territory. This is the part of Sudan that the regime doesn't want anyone to see, for good reason. I expected to see a depopulated wasteland rife with deteriorating evidence of the ethnic cleansing campaign pursued by the government of Sudan. The regime, in response to a rebellion begun by primarily non-Arab groups in early 2003, armed the Janjaweed militia, giving them impunity to attack. I did indeed see numbing evidence of such a campaign in this Muslim region of Sudan, which is populated by Arabs and non-Arabs. Burned villages confirmed harrowing stories we had heard from Darfurians who were lucky enough to make it to refugee camps in Chad. About 1.5 million people have been left homeless, and as many as 300,000 may be dead by year's end. In village after village that I visited, the painstakingly accumulated wealth of the non-Arab population of Darfur — their livestock, their homes, their grainstocks — had been destroyed in a matter of minutes. I was not prepared for the far more sinister scene I encountered in a ravine deep in the Darfur desert. Bodies of young men were lined up in ditches, eerily preserved by the 130-degree desert heat. The story the rebels told us seemed plausible: the dead were civilians who had been marched up a hill and executed by the Arab-led government before its troops abandoned the area the previous month. The rebels assert that there were many other such scenes. The government's deadly portfolio in Darfur already includes the wanton burning and bombing of villages, the raping of women and girls, and the denial of humanitarian aid, all of which have so far claimed tens of thousands of lives. But judging from the scene in the ravine, executions may also be part of the assault. My colleague Samantha Power, the author of "A Problem from Hell: America and the Age of Genocide," and I traveled together through the refugee camps and the rebel-held villages. Refugees in Chad claimed their loved ones had been stuffed into wells by the Janjaweed to poison the water supply. We went looking for these wells and found them covered in sand, in what might be construed as an effort by the Sudanese regime to cover its tracks. While Western dignitaries visited the camps teeming with refugees from Darfur and elsewhere, I encountered large numbers of displaced civilians inside the rebel-held areas of Darfur, where no camps exist and not a drop of international assistance has been delivered. There are potentially hundreds of thousands of survivors who have fallen through the cracks. Some of them say they are afraid to travel to government-controlled camps and unable to make it to the border. They are running out of food. It is urgent that the United Nations, donors and nongovernmental organizations demand access to these desolate areas, to deliver aid to the people left behind. And it is not enough to collect testimonies only from refugees in the government camps, as the State Department is beginning to do. Investigators must cross into the rebel-held zones of Darfur to exhume evidence and conduct inquiries there as well. Obviously, in such a dire situation security is paramount, both for the delivery of humanitarian aid and for the creation of conditions to allow Darfurians to return to their homes. For all the visibility of Darfur lately, the United Nations and others have accepted a Sudanese plan under which the wolf will guard the henhouse. The international community has called on the government to disarm the same militias it helped create and arm, and to use the government police to patrol the same camps the regime has been terrorizing. A mere 300 African Union troops spread over an area the size of France are meant to ensure the government's change of heart. This formula guarantees that six months from now the Janjaweed will still be in a position to kill, rape and pillage, leaving unchallenged the ethnic cleansing campaign that has changed the map of Darfur. In one interview after another, Sudanese refugees and those displaced but still within Sudan's borders told us that they would never trust the government to disarm the Janjaweed, that only an international force could protect them. Sufficient numbers of elite Rwandan and Nigerian forces, now conceived of as the bulk of the African Union contingent, could lead such an effort if they were properly financed, equipped and otherwise supported by Europe and the United States. There has been a great deal of tough talk since the visits of Mr. Powell, Mr. Annan and others, but the United Nations Security Council so far has failed to act decisively. It is time to move directly against regime officials who are responsible for the killing. Accountability for crimes against humanity is imperative, as is the deployment of sufficient force to ensure disarmament and arrangements to deliver emergency aid. The sands of the Sahara should not be allowed to swallow the evidence of what will probably go down as one of the greatest crimes in our lifetimes. John Prendergast, who worked on African affairs for the Clinton administration from 1996 to 2001, is an adviser to the International Crisis Group, an independent conflict-prevention group.

washingtonpost.com 18 July 2004 In Sudan, 'a Big Sheik' Roams Free Militia Leader Describes Campaign Against Africans as Self-Defense By Emily Wax Washington Post Foreign Service Sunday, July 18, 2004; Page A01 KHARTOUM, Sudan -- Musa Hilal sauntered into the lobby of a downtown hotel. Jittery eyes followed the statuesque, copper-skinned man as he settled into an armchair. He had recently been accused by Secretary of State Colin L. Powell and others of leading the marauding militia that has plunged the Darfur region of western Sudan into the world's most desperate humanitarian crisis. But Hilal has a different story. In a rare interview last week, he said the crisis had been exaggerated and offered to give a tour of the vast region where he had spent most of his life. "I'm a big sheik," he said. "Not a little sheik." Hilal is accused of being a commander of the Janjaweed militia. According to human rights groups, aid workers and U.S. officials, the militia, supported by Sudan's government, has displaced 1.2 million people in Darfur through violence and pillage. What was once a lively crossroads between Africa and the Arab world has become a tableau of hunger, disease and fear. U.S. officials have pressed the Sudanese government to end its support for the Janjaweed and hold Hilal and six other commanders accountable for the crisis. Powell, in a visit to the region last month, urged the government to disarm the militia and halt the violence. But just days after Powell's trip, and a similar visit by U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan, Hilal sat in plain sight here in the capital, sipping mango juice and joking about his three wives and 13 children as he wound and unwound a lilac scarf around his back and shoulders. The story of Hilal illustrates the complex relationship between the Janjaweed and Sudan's Arab-led government, which recently promised to rein in the militia but has not. The Janjaweed and its commanders continue to operate freely in Darfur, and many of its fighters have also joined the government's official army. Hilal said the Janjaweed fighters "are soldiers now and their faith is with the government." Asked whether he would heed calls to disarm, he said, "Whenever we feel the situation is completely secure and the cease-fire is being respected we will hand in our weapons." He added, "Whenever the government undertakes to hand in weapons from all factions and tribes, we will hand in arms." Hilal portrayed himself as a defender of Arab tribes against African groups, dismissing claims that the Janjaweed have engaged in ethnic cleansing. "No one can wipe out an ethnicity," he said. Darfur has long been home to Arab herders and African farmers, two Sudanese groups that were both Muslim, shared resources and sometimes intermarried. Clashes occurred sporadically, but tensions grew more serious 25 years ago as drought spread over the continent and the Arabs began to search for better grazing land. Hilal's family was among those Arabs looking for more fertile areas. In 1976, Hilal's father moved his tribe to Amo, an area in northern Darfur where African tribes already lived, according to an investigation by the Congressional Research Service this year. The inquiry found that Hilal's father obtained the land through a corrupt official. In 1997, Hilal was jailed for killing 17 Africans in Darfur, according to the inquiry. Years earlier, he had also been imprisoned for killing a security guard and robbing a bank in Nyala, a city in southern Darfur. The tensions in Darfur exploded in early 2003. African rebels, saying that the Arab-led government in Khartoum had discriminated against them, attacked a military garrison. They destroyed four helicopter gunships, two Antonov aircraft and, according to government officials, killed about 75 soldiers. At the time, the government was negotiating a settlement in a separate conflict, the country's 21-year civil war in the southern part of Sudan. Officials apparently wanted to send a strong message to other rebellious parts of country, including Darfur, that they would not give in. The government had two main concerns about fighting the rebels in Darfur. Its forces were already stretched thin by conflicts in other areas, and at least 40 percent of the army was made up of soldiers from Darfur who might not want to fight against their own tribes. So the government decided to use the Janjaweed militia to help put down the Darfur rebellion. Hilal was in prison again, for crimes allegedly committed in 2002, but the government chose him to help organize the militia, according to Ted Dagne, an Africa specialist for the Congressional Research Service. Hilal was released from prison after personal intervention by Sudan's first vice president, Ali Uthman Muhammad Taha, Dagne said. Another man, Gen. Abdullah Safi Nur, an Air Force commander and former commissioner of Darfur who is Hilal's cousin, also intervened, he said, adding that the Sudanese government had relied on militia leaders such as Hilal in earlier conflicts, including in southern Sudan. Villages Bombed The government responded to the rebel attack by bombing hundreds of villages. On the ground, Janjaweed fighters were unleashed. Some of them were jobless young men motivated by old ethnic tensions and lured into a lucrative new profession. They were then authorized by the government to burn villages and loot livestock and food, human rights groups say. They were also allowed to rape with impunity. At least 30,000 people have been killed in Darfur, according to human rights reports. Among the more than one million people displaced by the violence, at least 200,000 have fled into neighboring Chad. Aid groups say 300,000 people have been left vulnerable to hunger and disease. U.S. and U.N. investigators say they believe that the most significant leader of the Janjaweed is Taha, the country's first vice president, whom they have accused of orchestrating the attacks in Darfur. In February, Taha publicly told senior U.S. officials that he was going to "take care of the Darfur problem." "The Janjaweed are just mercenaries and are just one piece of a bigger puzzle," Dagne said. "If I was Hilal, I would be less worried about the U.S. list and more worried about what First Vice President Ali Uthman Muhammad Taha might do." The U.S. has also circulated a U.N. Security Council resolution to impose an arms and travel embargo on the militiamen. But Dagne said that since the fighters rarely travel outside Sudan and apparently have no major assets, such sanctions would be largely symbolic. Today, Hilal, 43, describes himself as a sheik, or religious and community leader, as was his grandfather in western Darfur during British colonial times. Hilal says he is responsible for more than 300,000 Arabs in Darfur. On a recent night, Hilal, pressing his long fingers together, said his job as a leader was to protect his people and their honor. According to him, Africans have killed Arabs for years over grievances about land and water. "Things like that give birth to bitterness," he said. Hilal said that although he has never carried a weapon, he has rallied other Arabs to fight. "When the government put forward a program of arming all the people, I will not deny I called our sons and told them to become armed, and our sons acquiesced," he said. "Those who became armed were no less than 3,000." Rep. Donald M. Payne (N.J.), the ranking Democrat on the House subcommittee on Africa and a member of the Congressional Black Caucus, is pushing to set up an international war crimes tribunal for Darfur, like those set up following the Balkan wars and the Rwandan genocide. Payne has developed a separate list of government officials who he says are supervising and controlling Janjaweed activities. He listed Taha as number one, along with Nur, Hilal's cousin, and several other officials. "This is a pariah government, which once harbored Osama bin Laden and took more than 20 years to even begin to end its civil war with the south," Payne said. "Darfur could happen again if we don't condemn this government's role in planning and executing the Janjaweed." Hilal recently visited the U.S. and British embassies, preaching traditional reconciliation methods and telling diplomats and journalists that he wants to learn English. A Recruit's Tale On April 22, 2003, said Mustafa Yusuf, a slim teenager with high cheekbones and a square face, he was kidnapped by Hilal's men and taken to a Janjaweed training camp in northern Darfur. About 6,000 people were at the camp, Yusuf told journalists and a U.N. investigator. At 5:30 each morning, the boys and men woke and practiced shooting. They also learned how to spy on the African rebels. Three times a week, he recalled, a helicopter gunship ferried in supplies, including weapons, ammunition and food. Yusuf, who escaped from the camp and is now a student in Khartoum, said that one day when the helicopter landed Hilal stepped off in a military uniform. When the recruits arrived, Yusuf said, Hilal made a speech in which he told them that all Africans were their enemies. "Hilal said we should defeat the rebels," said Yusuf, 18, his eyes shifting to the floor. Before an attack on April 27, Hilal and the troops sang wars songs: "We go to the war. We go to defeat the rebels. We are not afraid of war. We are the original people of this area," Yusuf recalled. Later, after he fled the camp, Yusuf said he was in the market and watched as Hilal returned in a Land Cruiser from raids on African villages, followed by men on horseback. "They came back with beds and suitcases, blankets and radios," said Yusuf, who recounted his tale nervously. "There were camels, sheep and goats." According to witnesses and U.N. officials, Hilal also coordinated a Feb. 27 raid on the village of Tawilah, near El Fasher. Hilal, in military uniform, landed by helicopter in a field on the outskirts of town, witnesses interviewed in Tawilah said. He set up a canvas tent and was guarded by Janjaweed fighters on horses and camels. Witnesses said they saw Hilal receiving weapons and food from men in government helicopters. Over the next three days, the marketplace was set on fire, 16 schoolgirls were kidnapped and at least 67 people were killed, according to a U.N. report. A video filmed by the governor's office and obtained by the United Nations days after the attack, showed fly-ridden bodies rotting in the street, a fuming and charred marketplace and women crying as they rocked children. "This was the day the children were taken and all the people started to become displaced," said Saddiq Ismail, 45, a retired teacher and an African resident of Tawilah. "Everybody wanted to fight Musa Hilal, even the little men. But Musa Hilal wanted to get rid of everyone. . . . If you said you were Arab he would say, 'Come fight with me.' They were discriminating against us." When the attack occurred, Ismail said, he hid in the bushes and took notes, because he felt it was his duty as an educated member of society to chronicle what was happening. "During the three days, the military helicopter landed and took off each day," Ismail said. "Hilal moved and gave instructions, with men unloading guns off of the helicopter. "One day, the helicopter took the injured. They also got deliveries of food. By the time Hilal left, the town was nearly empty." On a recent night in Khartoum, Hilal was asked about allegations that the militia was responsible for atrocities in Darfur. "There is death in war, and until it is all over we will not know the true extent of what has happened," he said, over tea and pastries. He contended that the crimes in Darfur were being committed by random criminals and not by those trying to put down the rebellion. Even the term 'Janjaweed,' he said, was being used incorrectly. "Janjaweed is a colloquial word which means thief or bandit or highwayman," he said. "It means nothing and has been used to mean everything."

BBC 19 July, 2004, Sudan militiamen face amputations The Janjaweed often fight on horseback, or use camels Ten members of Sudan's pro-government militia have been sentenced to have a hand and a foot amputated for their role in attacks in Darfur. In the first convictions of members of the Janjaweed militia, they were also sentenced to six years in prison for offences including murder and robbery. Tens of thousands have died in Darfur, and more than 1m have fled their homes in the face of militia attacks. Aid agencies warn that thousands more could die from hunger and disease. Meanwhile, human rights group Amnesty International has accused the Janjaweed of using mass rape in their conflict with Darfur's non-Arab groups. Sharia law The 10 convictions were passed by a court in the South Darfur capital, Nyala. The men will have their left hand and right foot cut off, according to Sudan's version of Islamic Sharia law. The six men raped my daughter, who is 25 years old, in front of me, my wife and the young children H, a man from Magarsa Darfur rape testimonies It is not clear when the sentences will be carried out. The Sudan Media Centre, close to the government, reports that another similar case will be heard later. It quoted a lawyer as saying the sentences showed the government's keenness to enforce the rule of law. Girls as young as eight and women of 80 have been raped, says Amnesty International, which wants an inquiry into war crimes and crimes against humanity. Peace talks between the government and Darfur rebels broke down on Saturday. Public humiliation Amnesty accuses the international community of not doing enough to protect women in Darfur and also in refugee camps in neighbouring Chad, where many have fled. The human rights group also directly accuses the Sudanese government of supporting the attacks by the Janjaweed militia. Q&A: Darfur conflict But in a BBC interview, the Sudanese ambassador to London, Dr Hasan Abdin, denied his government was complicit in the attacks and described Amnesty's evidence as "flimsy and exaggerated". He called for a thorough investigation into any sexual abuse in Darfur. "Rape crimes need to be investigated in a very thorough manner in a court of justice and not in reports by reporters," he said. In its report Rape as a Weapon of War, Amnesty publishes the testimonies of some of the hundreds of women its researchers have spoken to. "I was sleeping when the attack on Disa [village] started. I was taken away by the attackers, they were all in uniforms," said a female refugee from Disa. "They took dozens of other girls and made us walk for three hours. During the day we were beaten and they were telling us: 'You, the black women, we will exterminate you, you have no god.' At night we were raped several times. The Arabs guarded us with arms and we were not given food for three days." In many cases, women have been raped in public, in front of their husbands, relatives, or the wider community, Amnesty says. This is in order to humiliate them, their family and the entire group. Amnesty calls for an international commission of inquiry into the conflict in Darfur, including claims that the widespread rapes are part of a campaign of genocide against the region's non-Arab population.

AP 19 July 2004.Sudanese court orders convicts' hands, feet cut off Special court charged with cracking down on militia violence KHARTOUM, Sudan (AP) — A special court set up by the Sudanese government to end atrocities in the western Darfur region sentenced 10 Arab militiamen Monday to six years in prison and ordered each have a hand and a foot amputated for attacking and robbing villagers. The Sudanese government has been under international pressure to end atrocities by militias known as the Janjaweed against black Africans. It apparently is using the courts to show it is fulfilling its pledge to bring law and order to the area. The government has denied it backs the militias with helicopter gunships and vehicles in a campaign that has been equated with ethnic cleansing. On Friday, Sudanese Foreign Minister Osman Ismail said anyone who violates human rights in Darfur "will face justice." However, in his remarks after a meeting with the UN envoy to Sudan, Jan Pronk, the minister did not mention special courts hearing such cases in Darfur. The sentences were the first handed down by the special court, though the official Sudan Media Centre said another case was being heard later Monday. The Media Center, a government agency that distributes official statements, said the session convicting and sentencing the 10 militiamen was held Sunday in Nyala, the capital of South Darfur state. It did not identify the men and it wasn't clear when proceedings against them had begun, but the Media Center said they were convicted of armed attacks, robbery and illegal possession of arms. It wasn't clear when the sentences would be carried out. Under Islamic law followed by the Sudanese government, someone repeatedly convicted of being a thief is punished by cutting off the person's left hand and right foot. If the thief steals again, the right hand and left foot are amputated. Tens of thousands of people have been killed and more than a million of Darfur's 6.7 million people have fled their homes in the face of attacks by the Janjaweed, or "men on horseback" in the local dialect. Darfur's troubles stem from long-standing tensions between nomadic Arab tribes and their African farming neighbours over dwindling water and agricultural land. Those tensions exploded into violence in February 2003, when two African rebel groups took up arms over what they regarded as unjust treatment by the government in the land dispute.

NYT 19 July 2004 Amnesty Says Sudan Militias Use Rape as Weapon By MARC LACEY AIROBI, Kenya, July 18 - An international human rights group has accused pro-government militias in the Darfur region of Sudan of using rape and other forms of sexual violence "as a weapon of war" to humiliate black African women and girls as well as the rebels fighting the government in Khartoum. In a report to be released Monday, Amnesty International said the sexual attacks in Darfur amounted to war crimes and crimes against humanity. But it said it did not have sufficient evidence to show that the Janjaweed, as the government-backed militias are known, have carried out genocide in Darfur, as some critics of Sudan's government maintain. "The horrific nature and scale of the violence inflicted on entire groups in Darfur appears to be a form of collective punishment of a population whose members have taken up arms against the central government," the Amnesty International report said. "It may be interpreted as a warning to other groups and regions of what could happen to the local population if certain groups decided to rebel against Khartoum," it added. Amnesty International called for the creation of a commission of inquiry to investigate and bring to justice those responsible for sexual violence against the women of Darfur. Rape is a cultural taboo in Sudan and families often ostracize victims. Although rape has been so widespread over the last year that many women feel emboldened to discuss it, many others are believed by experts to be denying that it ever occurred. "The suffering and abuse endured by these women goes far beyond the actual rape," Amnesty said. "Rape has a devastating and ongoing impact on the health of women and girls, and survivors now face a lifetime of stigma and marginalization from their own families and communities." Sudan ordered Saturday that committees of women judges, police officers and legal consultants investigate rape accusations and help victims through criminal cases, The Associated Press reported. In many interviews, women recounted vicious rapes by members of the Arab militias. One woman from Silaya, near the town of Kulbus in western Sudan, was five months pregnant when she was abducted with eight other women in July 2003. "Five to six men would rape us in rounds, one after the other for hours during six days, every night," the woman, who was identified only as S., told Amnesty researchers. "My husband could not forgive me after this; he disowned me." Amnesty International said it had received many reports of militia men pulling out the fingernails of women to force them to reveal the locations of their husbands. During such interrogations, the women were accused of being rebel sympathizers. Women have also been subjected to racial insults because their skin is darker than that of the Arabs. "You blacks, you have spoiled the country," one in a group of women recounted the militia men telling them. "We are here to burn you. We will kill your husbands and sons, and we will sleep with you! You will be our wives!"

Deutsche Presse Agentur 25 Jul 2004 Sudan says 5,000 police deployed in Darfur Cairo (dpa) - More than 5,000 Sudanese policemen have been deployed in the strife-ridden western Darfur region and more than 90,000 refugees have returned to their homes, according to a report issued Sunday by the Sudanese Information Ministry. The report, which was published on the Sudanese News Agency, said 17 militiamen from both the government-linked Moslem militia and rebels from black African tribes have been tried and sentenced. One hundred outlaws were reported arrested. The report claims the government has facilitated delivery of 46,000 tonnes of food and 10 million dollars worth of medical assistance to the region. "The aid kept flowing but rebel militias obstructed the trucks. In one week, four violations took place, resulting in nine civilian casualties and several or policemen,'' the report said. The report reiterated the Sudanese government's willingness to return to the negotiating table to settle the conflict in Darfur, and blamed collapse of talks last week in Addis Ababa on pressure put on rebel negotiators by the U.S. and Britain. Earlier, Sudanese Foreign Minister Mustafa Othman Ismail criticized U.S. President George W. Bush of trying to exploit the crisis in Darfur to win black voters for his re-election. On Thursday, the Republican-controlled U.S. Senate and House of Representatives voted unanimously for resolutions urging U.S. leaders and the international community to begin "calling the atrocities being committed in Darfur by their rightful name: genocide''. Sudanese authorities have rejected the claims, saying they were biased, unfair and untrue. Government-linked Janjaweed Arab militia are fighting against black African tribes in Darfur in western Sudan. It has been estimated that 30,000 Darfur civilians have been killed and more than 130,000 refugees have sought sanctuary in neighbouring Chad. About 1 million Darfur residents fleeing the violence are believed to have remained in Sudan.

Deutsche Presse Agentur 25 Jul 2004 Security worsening in south Sudan, says relief official Khartoum (dpa) - The security situation in southern Sudan has worsened following days of sporadic shooting by pro-government militias in the town of Malakal, the capital of the oil-rich Upper Nile province, reports said Sunday. Recent attacks by pro-government militias had killed at least a dozen people in and around the town, according to a source with a local non-government organization in Malakal who spoke on condition of anonymity. No immediate comments have been received from hospital authorities in Malakal town. The Upper Nile Relief and Development Coordinator at the Sudan Council of Churches (SCC), Isaac Nyiding Obwonyo, however confirmed that the security situation in and around the town was lamentable, with no freedom of movement and killings occurring frequently everywhere in the province. Villagers were being killed as they tried to to search for food, Obwonyo said, adding that pro-government militias supported by the Sudanese army had razed more than 30 villages around Malakal. Obwonyo estimated that about 14,000 villagers have been displaced in Malakal by the recent clashes, and these internally displaced persons were in urgent need of food, health supplies, shelter as well as clean water. Despite the provision of some relief items by the World Food Programme, the situation in Malakal is "horrible'', Obwonyo said, and requires further intervention from the humanitarian organizations. Tensions between the rebel Sudan Peoples Liberation Army (SPLA) and southern Sudanese government-backed militias and the army erupted following the collapse of peace talks early this month in Naivasha, Kenya. Meanwhile, more than 5,000 Sudanese policemen have been deployed in the strife-ridden western Darfur region and more than 90,000 refugees have returned to their homes, according to a report issued Sunday by the Sudanese Information Ministry. The report, which was published on the Sudanese News Agency, said 17 militiamen from both the government-linked Moslem militia and rebels from black African tribes have been tried and sentenced. One hundred outlaws were reported arrested. The report claims the government has facilitated delivery of 46,000 tonnes of food and 10 million dollars worth of medical assistance to the region. "The aid kept flowing but rebel militias obstructed the trucks. In one week, four violations took place, resulting in nine civilian casualties and several or policemen,'' the report said. The report reiterated the Sudanese government's willingness to return to the negotiating table to settle the conflict in Darfur, and blamed collapse of talks last week in Addis Ababa on pressure put on rebel negotiators by the U.S. and Britain. Earlier, Sudanese Foreign Minister Mustafa Othman Ismail criticized U.S. President George W. Bush of trying to exploit the crisis in Darfur to win black voters for his re-election. On Thursday, the Republican-controlled U.S. Senate and House of Representatives voted unanimously for resolutions urging U.S. leaders and the international community to begin "calling the atrocities being committed in Darfur by their rightful name: genocide''. Sudanese authorities have rejected the claims, saying they were biased, unfair and untrue. Government-linked Janjaweed Arab militia are fighting against black African tribes in Darfur in western Sudan. It has been estimated that 30,000 Darfur civilians have been killed and more than 130,000 refugees have sought sanctuary in neighbouring Chad. About 1 million Darfur residents fleeing the violence are believed to have remained in Sudan.

AFP 25 Jul 2004 - Sudan warns against foreign intervention KHARTOUM, July 25 (AFP) - Sudan warned Sunday it would use force against any attempt at outside military intervention in the crisis-torn Darfur region, while rebels called for the quick arrival of foreign troops. Ibrahim Ahmed Omar, secretary general of the ruling National Congress (NC) party, was quoted by the official newspaper Al Anbaa as warning that force would be met by force: "Anybody who contemplates imposing his opinion by force will be confronted by force," he said: "Any power that intervenes in Darfur will be a loser." But a Darfur rebel movement called for a rapid deployment of international troops to deal with the situation in the western Sudanese region, described by the United Nations as the world's worst current humanitarian crisis. The US Congress has unanimously passed a resolution last week describing the atrocities committed in Darfur as genocide and called on the White House to lead international efforts to intervene. A top British general said 5,000 troops could be made ready to go if needed. The UN says up to 50,000 people have died since a revolt against the Arab-dominated government in Khartoum broke out among black African ethnic minorities in February 2003. "The National Congress firmly rejects any foreign threats targeting Sudan and its people and is opposed to any foreign intervention in Sudan," Omar was quoted as saying, adding that Sudan is capable of solving its problems by itself. The official called for general mobilisation among the Sudanese people and political parties and organisations to "stand up against this unfair campaign which targets not only the National Congress and the government but all of the Sudanese people and their values." Another NC party official and federal government minister Nafie Ali Nafie said after a cabinet meeting Sunday that Sudan "will not be a playground or a park of entertainment for foreign troops". He denounced action against Sudan which he said "is not being launched for the interest of the people of Darfur, nor is it prompted by the humanitarian situation, but is only taken as a pretext like that of the weapons of mass destruction used by the US and Britain to invade Iraq." Khartoum has brushed off criticism that it is not doing enough to help alleviate the situation in Darfur and pledged to improve the access of international aid agencies. But Abdel Wahed Mohammed Nur, spokesman for the rebel Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) said: "We are asking the United States, the United Nations secretary general, the European Union and the African Union for the urgent deployment of troops in the coming days to ensure the delivery of food aid to millions of refugees." Contacted by telephone, the spokesman said intervention would "avert a humanitarian disaster of great proportions". Nur charged that the pro-government Arab Janjaweed militias were "preventing the arrival of food aid to displaced people and continue to violate the ceasefire, and they regularly rape defenseless women." More than a million people have been driven from their villages in the conflict pitting government forces and Janjaweed against the SLA and another local rebel group, the Movement for Justice and Equality. Washington, the United Nations and the EU have demanded that Khartoum immediately disarm the Janjaweed and make them respect a ceasefire signed April 8 after talks in the Chadian capital Ndjamena. The European Union warned at the weekend that Sudan would face international sanctions if there was not quick progress in ending the bloodshed. Sudanese Foreign Minister Mustafa Ismail Sunday questioned the need for foreign troops in war-torn Darfur, saying his government was doing all it could to disarm Arab militias. "Why should we have to rush and to talk about military intervention as long as the situation is getting better?" Ismail told BBC television. "My government is doing what can be done in order to disarm the militia."

Guardian UK 25 July 2004 www.guardian.co.uk Darfur's deep grievances defy all hopes for an easy solution The world is waking to the human disaster in Sudan. But, argues writer and world authority on the country, Alex de Waal, the crisis is far more complex than some claim - and cannot be resolved by a quick fix Sunday July 25, 2004 The Observer Darfur, the war-torn province in western Sudan where a terrible humanitarian catastrophe is unfolding, has yet more awful secrets to divulge. In addition to 1.2 million displaced people living and dying in refugee camps in the region and across the border in neighbouring Chad, there are hundreds of thousands more struggling to survive in their homes in the vast areas held by the rebel movements fighting against the Khartoum government. They are far from any TV cameras, and far from the comfort of aid agencies. They are surviving as their parents and grandparents did, through hardiness and skill. They, not us, are the proven experts in surviving famine. Where a foreigner sees a wasteland of sand and mountain, a rural woman sees landscape replete with wild grasses, berries and roots. The most ubiquitous of these is a berry known as mukheit, which grows on a small bush. It looks like a big pale pea, it's toxic and needs to be soaked in water for three days before it's edible, and even then it tastes sour. But it's nutritious, and it's in season now. During the drought-famine of 1984-85, perhaps two million people survived on mukheit, often for months. It was a far bigger factor in survival than food aid, and it was common to see women foraging on the remotest hills, children strapped to their backs, gathering this unappetising but life-preserving crop. Then there's difra, a wild grass that grows across the desert-edge plateaux, which can be harvested in August, and up to 80 more species known to every grandmother. Mukheit keeps adults alive, but it isn't enough for children. During the 1980s famine, infectious diseases and lack of weaning foods killed an estimated 75,000 children. As the world becomes aware of this as-yet-invisible disaster, aid agencies will demand access across the front lines. And those aid convoys will need an international protection force. The Darfur war erupted early last year, when two armed movements - Sudan Liberation Army and the Justice and Equality Movement - began a rebellion against a government in Khartoum that had neglected their region. In response, the government mobilised, armed and directed a militia, known as Janjaweed ('rabble' or 'outlaws' in local dialect), using scorched earth, massacre and starvation as cheap counter-insurgency weapons. The UN has described Darfur as 'the world's worst humanitarian crisis'. On Friday, the US Congress described it as 'genocide'. The British government is considering sending in 5,000 troops. Characterising the Darfur war as 'Arabs' versus 'Africans' obscures the reality. Darfur's Arabs are black, indigenous, African and Muslim - just like Darfur's non-Arabs, who hail from the Fur, Masalit, Zaghawa and a dozen smaller tribes. Until recently, Darfurians used the term 'Arab' in its ancient sense of 'bedouin'. These Arabic-speaking nomads are distinct from the inheritors of the Arab culture of the Nile and the Fertile Crescent. 'Arabism' in Darfur is a political ideology, recently imported, after Colonel Gadaffi nurtured dreams of an 'Arab belt' across Africa, and recruited Chadian Arabs, Darfurians and west African Tuaregs to spearhead his invasion of Chad in the 1980s. He failed, but the legacy of arms, militia organisation and Arab supremacist ideology lives on. Many Janjaweed hail from the Chadian Arab groups mobilised during those days. Most of Darfur's Arabs remain uninvolved in the conflict, but racist ideology appeals to many poor and frustrated young men. Since 1987 there have been recurrent clashes between the Arab militias and village self-defence groups. Their roots were local conflicts over land and water, especially in the wake of droughts, made worse by the absence of an effective police force in the region for 20 years. The last intertribal conference met in 1989, but its recommendations were never implemented. Year by year, law and order has broken down, and the government has done nothing but play a game of divide-and-rule, usually favouring the better-armed Arabs. In response, the non-Arab groups (some of them bedouins too - there's a clan related to the Zaghawa that even has the name Bedeyaat) have mobilised, adopting the label 'African', which helps to gain solidarity with the southern-based Sudan People's Liberation Army, and is a ticket to sympathy in the West. The Darfur conflict erupted just as protracted peace negotiations between Khartoum and the SPLA on an end to the 20-year-old war in southern Sudan entered their final stage. Some observers have speculated that the rebellion was launched because the SPLA won its concessions by dint of armed struggle, thereby encouraging other discontented Sudanese regions to try the same. There's an element of truth in that, and a danger that the Beja of eastern Sudan will also re-ignite their dormant insurrection. But Darfur has long-standing grievances. Even more than southern Sudan, the province has been neglected. It has the fewest schools and hospitals in the country. Promises of development came to nothing. Darfurian radicals have long tried to start a liberation war. In 1991, the SPLA sent an armed force to Darfur to foment resistance: it failed, and an entire cadre of leftist leadership was arrested or neutralised as a result. The young SLA leaders have emerged from the shadow of this debacle. Meanwhile, the Islamic government tried to neutralise complaints of neglect by playing the religion card. Darfur's Fur, Masalit and Zaghawa tribes are well-known for their Muslim piety, and were attracted by the idea of being enfranchised through their Muslim faith. But this proved another hollow promise, and when the Sudanese Islamist movement split four years ago, most Darfurian Islamists went into opposition, some of them forming the JEM. There is no quick fix in Darfur. But after the first round of mediation by the African Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, a week ago, the elements of a settlement are coming into focus. The first of these is removing obstacles to relief operations. The second is enforcing the ceasefire, agreed by the parties in the Chadian capital of Ndjamena in April, but flouted - far more egregiously by the government and Janjaweed. For hungry villagers, the ceasefire is a survival issue, as their skill at harvesting wild foods has no value if they are confined to camps by fear of rape, mutilation or murder. The African Union - headed by its energetic leader, the, former Malian President Alpha Konare - has put 24 ceasefire monitors on the ground so far to oversee the Ndjamena agreement. Three hundred African troops are also on their way, to ensure that the monitors can move in safety. Providing security to civilians will need a far larger and more robust force. Even before the insurrection, Darfur was a province in arms. Every village or nomadic clan possessed automatic weapons - a necessity given that there has been no effective police force there for the past 20 years. Last month, President Omer al-Bashir promised to disarm the Janjaweed. In doing so, he has put himself in a corner. There's overwhelming evidence, circumstantial and documentary, that Khartoum supplied the militia with arms, logistics and air support. But it doesn't follow that it can so easily rein them in. Darfur cannot be disarmed by force. The principal Janjaweed camps can be identified and the militiamen cantonised there. This demands a tough surveillance regime, overseen by international forces. But the armed Bedouin cannot be encamped: they rely on their herds for livelihood and hence need to move, and they are too numerous and scattered to disarm. In fact, 'disarmament' is a misnomer. What will work is community-based regulation of armaments, gradually squeezing out bandits and criminals. What to do with the Chadian Arabs will be one tricky issue. Another will be the fact that all Darfurians - Arab and non-Arab alike - profoundly distrust a government in Khartoum that has brought them nothing but trouble. Arms control can be made to work only when the scaffolding of a provincial administration and political settlement is in place. Another issue is human rights: investigating claims of genocide and who's responsible. This issue is best parked with an international commission - perhaps a special investigator from the International Criminal Court. A political solution can be framed as these immediate issues are tackled. At the moment the sides are far apart, their public language one of mutual recrimination. In theory, a settlement of Darfur's provincial issues should not be too difficult. The rebels - who drop their simplistic 'African' versus 'Arab' terminology as soon as they get into details - have no desire to purge Darfur of its indigenous black Arabs. They do not seek self-determination or separation. Their demands, for equitable development, land rights, schools and clinics, and local democracy are perfectly reasonable. Formulae for provincial autonomy are also negotiable. The national issues are more difficult. Settling Darfur's grievances will mean revisiting many of the Naivasha formulae, which were drafted on a simplified north-south dichotomy. For example, senior government jobs have been divided between the ruling Congress Party and the SPLA: who is going to make concessions to allow Darfur its fair share? Nonetheless, the Darfur process can be speeded up by implementing the Naivasha agreement and bringing SPLA leader John Garang to Khartoum as vice president. Garang aspires to represent a coalition of all Sudan's non-Arab peoples, including Darfurians, and it will be politically impossible for him to endorse a war in Darfur. The African Union, with UN support, is applying lessons learned from the Naivasha negotiation. If this is to work, the US, Britain and the EU will need to use their leverage in support of the AU formula. The next meeting is scheduled for a month's time. The immediate life and death needs of Darfur's people cannot wait for these negotiations to mature. A British brigade could make a formidable difference to the situation. It could escort aid supplies into rebel-held areas, and provide aerial surveillance, logistics and back-up to ceasefire monitoring, helping to give Darfurian villagers the confidence to return to their homes and pick up their lives. · Alex de Waal is director of Justice Africa (London). An updated version of his book, Famine that Kills: Darfur, Sudan, 1984-5, is published by Oxford University Press this autumn.

IRIN 26 Jul 2004 Sudan-Uganda: Dozens killed as LRA rebels raid Sudanese villages [This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations] KAMPALA, 26 July (IRIN) - Dozens of people were killed and homes burnt or looted on Friday when Ugandan Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) rebels raided villages in southern Sudan, religious and Sudanese rebel sources told IRIN on Monday. "The Lord's Resistance Army raided the small village of Moti on Friday morning, where they overran our small detachment there and killed seven of our fighters before they descended on the villages. Civilians were killed, but I don't have the clear picture of how many," George Riak, the Sudan Peoples' Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) liaison officer in Kampala, said. However, Riak said Friday's fighting would not affect the peace negotiations taking place in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi. Rev Paul Yugusuk, a church minister of the remote Anglican Archdeaconry of Lomega in southern Sudan said the LRA-SPLA fighting took place about 50 km southeast of Juba and about 16 km west of Torit in the eastern Equatoria Province. He added: "I cannot tell the exact number of people killed, but in one village we found five bodies, then 10 in another and another 20 in yet another village. What I am sure of is that more then 100 people have been killed in the past two to three weeks." In early July, religious leaders confirmed reports by a rebel faction in southern Sudan, the Equatoria Defence Forces (EDF), that the LRA rebels had killed 100 people in two days of arson, looting and murder in villages near the town of Magwi in Equatoria Province. Charles Barnaba Kisanga, the UK-based EDF secretary-general, issued a statement on Friday saying hundreds of LRA rebels, allegedly supported by Sudanese government army helicopters, "launched a fresh attack on the village of Moti under the control of EDF forces of the SPLA." "According to commanders Obotu Mamur [SPLA] and Martin Kenyi [EDF] LRA rebels moved on Moti at 05:00 a.m. [local time] this morning [23rd July 2004] and attacked our positions and our forces engaged them in heavy fighting. Our positions have been strafed time and again by army helicopter gunship in aid of the LRA rebels," he said. Kisanga also alleged that LRA rebels also "overrun the villages east of Polu towards Kapoeta and killed dozens of villagers and took away about 2,000 heads of cattle" on 19 July. In a related development, participants of a meeting of civil society, religious and cultural leaders from northern Uganda and southern Sudan on Saturday called for a political solution to the conflict in northern Uganda, which they said would ensure lasting and sustainable peace in war affected northern region. "We draw the attention of the government of Uganda to the strategy of dialogue and amnesty used in bringing a peaceful end to the conflict in the West Nile region to be applied in ending the current conflict," they said in a statement issued in the northern Ugandan town of Gulu. They added: "We call for the immediate peaceful resolution of the conflict preceded by a ceasefire and appeal to the international community and the peace-loving people to help the warring parties in this process." The meeting was organised by SPLM and Ugandan authorities. The participants said although the conflict in northern Uganda had been described as one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world, "the regional and the international communities have not given enough attention to bring it to an end. "The regional and the international diplomatic response has been intermittent, uncoordinated and insufficient to a large extent," they said. "We believe that the role played by the IGAD [Inter-Government Authority on Development], the African Union, the US and the EU in the region should also be extended to resolving the conflict in northern Uganda." The leader of the Roman Catholic Church in northern Uganda, Archbishop John Baptist Odama, told IRIN that church and cultural representatives from both southern and northern Sudan made up the Sudanese delegation of 18 representatives while 48 delegates represented Ugandan churches and civil society organisations.

AFP 27 Jul 2004 Arab League urges UN not to rush to intervention in Darfur CAIRO, July 27 (AFP) - The Arab League urged the UN Security Council on Tuesday to "avoid precipitate action" in the Darfur crisis and to give the Sudanese government time to honour its commitments to the world body. The 22-member bloc expressed "concern over international developments in the Darfur situation and hints of foreign intervention" after a meeting dedicated to developments in Sudan. It hailed the "steps already taken by the Sudanese government to implement its agreement with the United Nations and called on the international community to help the Khartoum authorities to implement the accord in full." The League was referring to an agreement struck by UN Secretary General Kofi Annan during a visit to Khartoum earlier this month under which the government undertook to rein in within 90 days the state-sponsored Arab militias whom the international community largely blames for the crisis. The bloc distanced itself from that analysis calling on the ethnic minority rebels in Darfur to take the initiative. The League urged "the Sudan Liberation Movement and the Movement for Justice and Equality to resume direct negotiations with the Sudanese government under the auspices of the African Union to find a comprehensive solution to the crisis in Darfur and restore stability to the region." The two rebel groups walked out of African Union-sponsored talks in Addis Ababa earlier this month accusing Khartoum of intransigeance. The League's meeting came as US Secretary of State Colin Powell arrived in Cairo with Darfur high on his agenda and as Khartoum mobilised all government institutions warning it would resist any foreign intervention on its soil. Powell too cautioned against "premature" military intervention in Darfur but stressed the threat of international action remained. Washington has led efforts at the UN Security Council to internationalise the crisis, which the world body describes as the worst in the world, with up to 50,000 people dead and more than a million driven from their homes.

telegraph.co.uk 28 July 2004 Villagers burned alive in Sudan atrocity By David Blair, Africa Correspondent (Filed: 28/07/2004) One of the most savage atrocities yet recorded in Sudan was laid bare yesterday when it was reported that Janjaweed militia shackled villagers and burned them alive during a raid in the Darfur region. Monitors from the African Union reported that on July 3 the black African village of Suleia was attacked "by militia elements believed to be Janjaweed". The Arab raiders, mounted on horses and camels, "killed civilians, in some cases by chaining them and burning them alive". "However, the team could not substantiate the allegation that Sudanese forces fought alongside the Janjaweed," said the report, which was seen by the Reuters news agency. The document is particularly embarrassing for the Khartoum regime as it has expressed support for earlier findings of the African Union. Mustafa Ismail, Sudan's foreign minister, said at the weekend that a report which concluded that no genocide had taken place in Darfur was "very credible". The African Union has traditionally turned a blind eye to atrocities committed by member states. Any criticism from that quarter carries far more weight as a result. Mr Ismail said yesterday that Sudan would not sit by if foreign troops arrived. "If we are attacked we will not sit silent. We will retaliate, but we definitely hope we do not reach that situation." Colin Powell, the US secretary of state, said talk in Britain and Australia of military intervention was "premature". But he added that support was building for a United Nations Security Council resolution that would impose sanctions on Khartoum if it failed to meet a deadline to halt the campaign of murder and rape prosecuted by the Janjaweed. A vote is expected this week. The ethnic conflict has seen a million people driven from their homes and about 30,000 killed. www.africa-union.org/..

Tanzania

BBC 30 June 2004 Rwanda tribunal strapped for cash About 800,000 died during a 100-day orgy of violence The international court charged with trying suspects in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda has said it is suffering a severe lack of funds. Over half of the $212m promised has not been received, UN tribunal spokesman Roland Amoussouga said. He said the US was among the countries not to have made good their pledges to the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). An estimated 800,000 Rwandan Tutsis and moderate Hutus were killed in 1994. The shortage of cash poses a real danger to the running of the trials and belt-tightening measures have already been put in place, Mr Amoussouga said. According to the BBC's Balthazar Nduwayezu in the Tanzanian town of Arusha where the courts sit, tribunal authorities are currently travelling to countries that have pledged money to urge them to honour their promises. Eight years after being set up, the ICTR has convicted 21 people of genocide - six of whom are serving their sentences in Mali.

Hirondelle News Agency (Lausanne) NEWS 7 July 2004 'Words Used During Genocide Had Hidden Agendas', Says Des Forges Lausanne American historian and human rights activist, Alison Des Forges told the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwan da (ICTR) on Wednesday that several directives issued by the Rwandan interim government during April-July 1994 massacres had hidden agendas. "My point is, the words used were not plain," Des Forges told a Canadian lawyer Richard Perras, co-counsel for the former prefect of Butare, Colonel Alphonse Nteziryayo on trial for genocide and crimes against humanity with five others. Perras was cross examining Des Forges on several directives issued by the Rwandan former interim Prime Minister, Jean Kambanda, outlined in a letter sent to all prefects during the killings. The former premier is serving life imprisonment after being convicted of genocide and crimes against humanity. One of the directives read by counsel Perras stated that leaders at all levels should avoid anything which might cause ethnic conflicts. But those who actually fuelled the conflict were rewarded while others who acted to the contrary were immediately removed and replaced. In another example, Perras claimed that Premier Kambanda called upon the population to help the army to fight the enemy, meaning the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) and its accomplices. Des Forges said she had never heard a case whereby civilians were called upon to assist a seemingly defeated army. "If I were in their position I would find ways of protecting civilians and evacuate those at the risk instead of asking them to assist a defeated army," she suggested. She said most directives appeared to be government efforts to restore peace and tranquillity, but on the contrary they were intended to "wipe out the Tutsi ethnic group whose existence was seen as threat to the government." Des Forges, the 54 prosecution witness continues being cross examined on Thursday. Nteziryayo is jointly accused with Arsene Shalom Ntahobali and his mother, former Minister of Gender, Pauline Nyiramasuhuko, another former prefect of Butare, Sylvain Nsabimana and two mayors; Joseph Kanyabashi and Elie Ndayambaje of Ngoma and Muganza communes respectively. They have all pleaded not guilty of genocide and crimes against humanity committed in Butare in 1994. The trial which opened June 12, 2001, is taking place in Trial Chamber Two of the ICTR composed of Judge William Hussein Sekule from Tanzania (presiding), Judge Arlette Ramaroson of Madagascar and Judge Solomy Balungi Bossa from Uganda.

BBC 9 July, 2004 Ex-minister loses genocide appeal Some 800,000 people were killed in the Rwandan genocide of 1994 A former Rwandan information minister has lost his appeal against a life sentence for his role in the genocide. Eliezer Niyitegeka was originally accused of taking part in two horrific acts during the 1994 slaughter of 800,000 ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus. Prosecutors said he had ordered the beheading and castration of a Tutsi businessman and impaled a woman on a wooden stake and left her for two days. The judge said that Niyitegeka would spend the rest of his life in prison. There is no possibility of parole of time off for good behaviour, reports the AP news agency. He had appealed on 53 grounds but they were all rejected by judge Theodor Meron. Handing down the original sentence, South African judge Navanethem Pillay said: "Mr Niyitegeka organised the genocide, incited people to commit it and himself massacred Tutsis in the hills of Bisesero." "As a minister, he was committed to upholding the constitution but instead he violated it" by taking part in the genocide, the prosecution said. Eight years after being set up, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, based in Arusha, Tanzania, has convicted 22 people of genocide - six of whom are serving their sentences in Mali. Eleven others have appealed.

Hirondelle News Agency (Lausanne) 15 July 2004 Former Minister Ndindabahizi Sent to Prison For Life Arusha Former Rwandan Minister of Finance, Emmanuel Ndindabahizi, was on Thursday sent to prison for the remainder of his life after being found guilty of genocide and crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda . Ndandabahizi, 54, was convicted on all three counts of genocide, murder and extermination. "The chamber finds that the accused had intent to destroy in whole or in part the Tutsi ethnic group", said Judge Erik Mose of Norway who read the judgment. The chamber, in its unanimous verdict, found that Ndindabahizi had directly and substantially contributed to the crimes of genocide and extermination of Tutsis at Gitwa Hill and Gaseke road block within Kibuye Prefecture (Western Rwanda). He abetted, encouraged and participated in attacks on Tutsis. The prosecution had proved beyond reasonable doubt that Ndindabahizi explicitly urged attackers to kill Tutsis assembled at Gitwa Hill in April 1994. He visited the scene of crime twice and encouraged massacres during which thousands of Tutsis were killed. He also distributed machetes, grenades and transported armed attackers to the site. "By his words and deeds the accused manifested intent that the Tutsis on Gitwa hill numbering thousands should be attacked and killed," the judge said. "The chamber finds that the accused encouraged those manning road blocks to stop and kill Tutsis and that he distributed machetes and money to them." The court also ruled that the aggravating circumstances outweighed the mitigating circumstances. "The aggravating circumstances are that the accused was a well known and influential figure in his native prefecture of Kibuye and therefore had abused the trust placed on him by the population. Instead of promoting peace and reconciliation he supported and advocated a policy of genocide", said Judge Mose. Before the accused joined the interim government, he was a member of Social Democratic Party (PSD) which was a moderate political party. The Tribunal has convicted 20 persons and acquitted three since it was set up in 1994. Ndindabahizi becomes the fifth minister of the Rwandan interim government to be convicted and sentenced to prison by the ICTR.

Uganda

New Vision (Kampala) 13 July 2004 Ugandans Remember 1994 Genocide By Joshua Kato Kampala It is beautiful. Small boats each with two or three people moving slowly on the vast lake. In the horizon, the sky seems to sink into the lake. Beautiful birds dive into the waters for fish. It is all nature at its best. Between June and July 1994, this area of Kasensero was not as calm as it looks. This was the period when hundreds of dead human bodies came floating into this part of lake Victoria from Rwanda. The gruesome memories still linger in the fishermen's minds up to date. "The moment was implanted in my mind permanently. My mind will never let go," says Christopher Kibuuka, a fisherman on the lake. "At first we thought that a boat had capsized. "We investigated but heard of no boat. The bodies continued coming. The numbers swelling by the day. Then we realised that they were coming from Rwanda," he says. Apparently, the killers in Rwanda ran out of time to bury their victims. They turned to dropping them in river Kagera. The river carried the bodies all the way into Lake Victoria, with Kasensero landing site being one of the areas. "How humanity has lost meaning. It had became cheaper than salt," says Zurah Nalwanga, who owns a boat at the landing site. This is the worst thing that has ever happened in my life." "The stench was overpowering. We had nothing to do. We had to retrieve the bodies. They made the lake look unbearable," says Paul Mugisha. Legs that looked like huge logs! Bodies without hands or legs. Bodies of women, children and men. All of which had turned greenish. To some fishermen, this was a chance to increase their catches. The floating bodies attracted fish as they moved through the lake to the shores. "We laid our nets near the floating bodies, or near the spot where they used to arrive and the catch was encouraging," says Mugisha. But a few days later, the fishermen realised that their daring actions were in vain. People stopped eating fish because of the bodies. "A kilogramme of Nile-Perch that we used to sell at sh600 fell to as low as sh150 and that was only if there was any one willing to buy it," Mugisha says. "People realised that this was not manna from heaven. Human bodies are not there to be played with. This was a curse." Fish grew in bounds. "A few weeks after the bodies began arriving, it was not surprising for one to catch a very big Nile Perch. But every time he brought it ashore, people would start discussing the size of human body it had eaten," Mugisha says. The fishermen, with the help of government began collecting the bodies. "We were given gloves and gumboots, spades and hoes to dig the graves where we buried the bodies," says Mugisha. A memorial was constructed at the site to mark this nauseating historical chapter. Visiting the memorial in April, out-going Rwandan ambassador to Uganda, Christine Umutoni said this was the best way to remember the dead. "Such sad memories should not be allowed to die. We must not forget how painful it was for us." Umutoni says.

IRIN 13 July 2004 Uganda: Rebels Massacre Family of 11 in Weekend Attack UN Kampala Anti-government rebels used axes and machetes to kill 11 members of one family, including a six-month-old baby boy, in a village in northern Uganda's Lira District at the weekend, army and church sources said. Four children including the baby were at home with their parents and seven other relatives on Saturday evening when Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) rebels attacked them. The children's parents escaped unhurt, but 10 of the people in the home were killed. One person was abducted but was killed later as the rebels retreated, Lira Resident District Commissioner Peter Lochap said. "A group of internally displaced persons decided to leave the camp and return to the villages without notifying anybody," army spokesman Major Shaban Bantariza told IRIN by phone. "These thugs [rebels] decided to attack them and killed eleven of them at Apungi village in Apara sub county, Lira district." Apungi is located some 40 kilometers east of Lira town, which lies about 360 kilometers north of the Ugandan capital, Kampala. Bantariza regretted the attack, saying that had the army known that a family had decided to abandon the camp and return to the isolated village, it would have persuaded them not to do so as "it was still dangerous to venture out there". He added: "Some remnants [of the LRA] are still roaming the villages in small numbers." A Roman Catholic Church missionary in Lira, Father John Fraser, confirmed that word of the incident had reached him. "I have heard about the attack and the killings by a small group of rebels who seem to have been looking for food," said Fraser, who is a member of the order of the Comboni Fathers. The LRA has been fighting the government of President Yoweri Museveni since 1988, in a campaign of violence that has forced over 1.6 million people from their homes into camps that dot the northern Ugandan countryside. Most of the displacees live in camps. The rebel group has gained infamy for atrocities against civilians. It has often abducted children, obliging the boys to fight in its ranks and forcing the girls to serve as porters or as the sex slaves of rebel commanders. The attacked village is near Abia camp for the displaced, the scene of a massacre earlier this year. Lira had been calm for some time now and it had been thought that peace was returning to the area.

Zimbabwe

The Herald (Harare) 8 July 2004 President Returns Harare PRESIDENT Mugabe returned home last night after attending the third African Union summit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, at which leaders approved a plan on continental integration and development. The leaders approved the plan but did not endorse a proposed US$1,7 billion budget for the project. AU spokesman Mr Desmond Orjiako told journalists that the leaders endorsed texts on the "Vision and Mission" of the AU, as well as a strategic plan for 2004-7. However, Mr Orjiako said a decision on the plan's budget and how the money should be raised had not been made by the heads of state. The money is more than 10 times the US$43 million annual budget of the AU. The summit also decided that AU Pan-African Parliament will be based in South Africa after Egypt, the only other country offering to host the legislative chamber, withdrew. "The continent has given us the honour to host to the Pan-African parliament," South Africa's Foreign Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma told reporters. "We are very happy to serve the continent in that way. We will make it a successful parliament and we will not betray the trust placed in us." Officials said the decision was uncontested after Egypt told the summit it was withdrawing its bid and would throw its support behind South Africa. Earlier in the day, AU leaders, including President Mugabe, planted trees in the Africa Park, which is adjacent to the AU headquarters in Addis Ababa. Cde Mugabe said the trees were significant in a number of ways, chief of which was to mark the transformation of the continental body from the Organisation of African Unity to the AU. He said the founding fathers of the OAU had planted trees in the park when they formed the body and it was also befitting that they should do the same to mark the transformation.

Zimbabwe Standard (Harare) 11 July 2004 AU Leaders Blasted for Baulking On Zim Human Rights Report By Valentine Maponga HUMAN rights organisations in the country say they are deeply disappointed by the decision of African leaders who attended the African Union summit, held in Addis Ababa Ethiopia last week, to suppress a damning report on human rights abuses in Zimbabwe. The report, which had been compiled and submitted to the African Union heads of state by the AU Commission on Human and People's Rights, was based on evidence gathered during a fact-finding mission to Zimbabwe, which took place in June 2002. The report indicates that there was sufficient evidence placed before the mission to show that there were serious human rights violations in the country. Arnold Tsunga, a human rights lawyer, said the report was commendable and the Zanu PF government caused the shelving of the report on "a technical objection of no merit. "The government might celebrate because they managed to block consideration of a report on human rights abuses but the real facts are that they can not undermine the credibility of the African commission," said Tsunga. The African commission is a body of independent human rights experts appointed by the African union to monitor and observe member countries' observance of the African Charter on Human and People's Rights. Amos Phiri, the regional chairperson of Zimrights, a non-governmental organisation for human rights, said the failure by the AU heads of State to discuss the report would have a negative backlash as more people will to suffer. "As a human rights organisation we feel the African Union's credibility is being jeopardised and they are shortchanging our efforts as human rights organizations. As long as the issues in that report are not discussed at that level and a solution found, the people of Zimbabwe will continue to suffer," said Phiri. The opposition MDC whose members have borne the brunt of Zanu PF brutality, feels the delay by the African heads of State to deliberate on the document would only worsen the people's suffering at the hands of Zanu PF. MDC Spokesperson Paul Themba Nyathi said the heads of State had failed to live up to what they are trying to build in terms of creating a better environment for human beings on the continent. "The bureaucratic and procedural pretext that has been used to justify postponing discussion of an important internal document, that is now two years old, is perplexing and contradictory given that the AU, since its inauguration, has built up an impressive reputation in Africa," said Nyathi. "Its commitment to tackling conflicts and humanitarian crises's, such as Darfur, underlines the continental body's determination to eschew the non-interventionist doctrine that damaged the credibility of its predecessor, the Organisation for African Unity." The country's former attorney general, Andrew Chigovera is one of the 11 commissioners that adopted the report and presented it to the African leaders prior to their meeting last week.

www.theindependent.co.zw 9 July 2004 News Analysis Eric Bloch Column Muckraker Comment 'Zim had AU report for two years' Jean-Jacques Cornish and Nazeem Dramat SOUTH African Foreign minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma backed Zimbabwean government moves to stifle an explosive report on human rights abuses in Zimbabwe at the African Union summit in Addis Ababa. At the same time, there is mounting evidence that Zimbabwean Foreign minister Stan Mudenge was wrong to claim his government had not seen or had a chance to respond to the report, prepared by the AU's Commission on Human and People's Rights (ACHPR). Summit sources said at a meeting of African foreign ministers last weekend, Dlamini-Zuma had stepped up to the plate for Mudenge when he angrily insisted that the report be suppressed before it reached the assembly of AU heads of state, as his government had not seen it. She later told the Mail & Guardian it had been agreed to hold the report until Zimbabwe could comment. It would not be correct to circulate the document - which also covered other countries - without the official reaction of those states. Mudenge's claim began to look threadbare this week. One of the report's authors, South African churchman and academic Barney Pityana, said he could not believe the report had not been made available to President Robert Mugabe's government. Pityana pointed out that he and the senior vice-chairperson of the ACHPR, Gambian Jainaba Johm, had finalised the report in 2002. The commission's practice was to present its findings to the relevant African state as soon as they were completed. He said he was proud of the report's even-handedness. This chimed with the Archbishop of Bulawayo, Pius Ncube's, criticism of the AU's apparent decision to back away from tackling the report during the summit. The Zimbabwean government had had the report for two years, Ncube insisted. In addition, the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum said the Zimbabwean government was given a copy of the report in February this year. And a senior Sadc delegate told the M&G: "If the Zimbabweans arrived here ignorant of the report, they were the only delegation in that position. We have reason to believe the report reached Harare at least six months ago." Zimbabwe has agreed to react to the report within seven days. To the chagrin of the AU's heads of state, Mugabe's run-in with the fledgling organisation dominated its third summit in the Ethiopian capital. They had wanted to concentrate on the mission, vision and strategy presented by the AU commission chairperson Alpha Oumar Konare, and avoid dealing with the Zimbabwean president, as they had managed to do at previous summits. But when the ACHPR's findings found their way into the public domain a week ago, their options ran out. The normally soft-spoken Mudenge went ballistic when the report was presented to African foreign ministers in the executive council. He warned that if it was not stifled in that forum, it would overshadow everything else in the assembly of heads of state. "It's just a question of where the blood flows, here or in the summit," he is said to have told the council. Mudenge was apparently pulled up for his threatening behaviour by Nigeria's Foreign minister Oluyemi Adentji, who was chairing the meeting. Adentji was disinclined simply to throw the matter out at Mudenge's behest. But in the absence of any evidence to the contrary, the council accepted Mudenge's word that the ACHPR accusations came as a surprise to his government. Asked how long he would need to reply, Mudenge said: "Once we have studied it - no more than seven days." He then attempted to mollify his peers by thanking the AU for helping to "recover more than 11-million hectares of stolen land without paying one cent". For this he was rewarded with a round of applause. But the foreignministers were having none of his appeal to shelvethe report - not even when Dlamini-Zuma climbed into the ring to support him. The report relates to events after the Zimbabwe presidential election in 2002. It was not presented to last year's summit in Maputo ostensibly because it was not translated into French. "It has been out there a long time and it simply cannot be hidden away any longer," commented one delegate. The council thus "noted" the report. It also noted that mission reports on specific countries - without naming Zimbabwe - were circulated without comment by the states concerned. It urged the commission to see that this did not happen again. The ACHPR mission that visited Zimbabwe in June 2002, significantly found that "the land question is not in itself the cause of division". "It appears that at heart is a society in search of the means for change and divided about how best to achieve change after two decades of dominance by a political party that carried hopes and aspiration of the people of Zimbabwe through the liberation struggle into Independence. "The land question is critical and Zimbabweans sooner or later need to address it …(But) there was enough evidence placed before the mission to suggest that, at the very least during the period under review, human rights violations occurred in Zimbabwe. "The mission was presented with testimony from witnesses who were victims of political violence and others victims of torture while in police custody. "There was evidence that the system of arbitrary arrests took place. Especially alarming was the arrest of the President of the Law Society of Zimbabwe Sternford Moyo and journalists, including Peta Thornycroft, Geoffrey Nyarota, among many others, the arrests and torture of opposition members of parliament and human rights lawyers like Gabriel Shumba. "There were allegations that the human rights violations that occurred were in many instances at the hands of Zanu PF party activists." The report added, however, that the mission had not been able to find definitively that the abuses were part of an orchestrated policy of the Zimbabwe government. "There were enough assurances from the head of state, cabinet ministers and the leadership of the ruling party that there has never been any plan or policy of violence, disruption or any form of human rights violations, orchestrated by the state. There was also an acknowledgement that excesses did occur." At the same time, the commission said it was "prepared and able to rule" that the government could not wash its hands of responsibility. "Government did not act soon enough and firmly enough against those guilty of gross criminal acts. By its statements and political rhetoric and by its failure at critical moments to uphold the rule of law, the government failed to chart a path that signalled commitment to the rule of law." -Mail & Guardian.

BBC 24 July, 2004, Zimbabwe groups fear rights law Robert Mugabe has warned against foreign interference Human rights groups in Zimbabwe have criticised a planned bill which would bar the activities of some non-governmental organisations. The draft bill would ban foreign organisations whose aim is to promote human rights and stop foreign funding of local groups. The Zimbabwean president earlier warned against NGOs becoming foreign agents. A Zimbabwe human rights campaigner told the BBC that the bill, if it became law, would have devastating effects. "The impact is not just on the NGOs," Brian Kagoro of Crisis in Zimbabwe group told the BBC World Service's Focus on Africa programme. "The greater impact will be on the communities that were recipients of the programmes of these groups. "It's also an impact on the employees of these entities... the non-state sector has become one of the largest employers of some of our professionals who the government has not created jobs for." 'Foreign collusion' He said the planned legislation is being put forward by President Robert Mugabe's government in an effort to strengthen its control ahead of next year's general election. The claim itself is without foundation Brian Kagoro, Crisis in Zimbabwe Mr Mugabe has accused some NGOs of working with foreign countries to undermine the government. Mr Kagoro said there was no evidence to support this claim. "I can assure you that working to unseat the government is treason in our law... I have no recollection of an NGO or NGO leader who has been charged in the courts of law for subverting constitutional government - so the claim itself is without foundation," he said. According to Reuters news agency, the draft says all NGOs must register with a state council and restrictions would be imposed on the activities of foreign organisations. Specifically these relate to the "promotion of human rights and political governance issues", the draft reportedly states. The bill can still be amended before publication and would have to pass through parliament to become law.

Americas

Canada

www.theglobeandmail.com Celebrating family and survival, Acadian-style Region's oldest clan is set to converge on the village they have always called home By SHAWNA RICHER Monday, July 12, 2004 - Page A8 WEST PUBNICO, N.S. -- The rocky coastline and marshy meadows of Nova Scotia's southwest shore offered a breathtaking backdrop for French navigator Samuel de Champlain, who thought it a fitting site for this country's first European settlement in 1604. Champlain charted the peninsula and founded what would become known as Acadia. Four hundred summers later, West Pubnico, a bountiful fishing village looking out over the Gulf of Maine, stands as the oldest Acadian community in the country. It's a place that, as much as any, can lay claim to being the birthplace of Canada and is now at the centre of celebrations to mark the Acadian World Congress, beginning July 31 across the Maritimes. West Pubnico was founded in 1651 by French administrator Philippe Muis d'Entremont nearly half a century after Champlain settled in nearby Port Royal, though Acadians had been living in the area since shortly after Champlain's arrival. They forged a life sustained by fishing and farming, exploiting the fertile marshes as Britain and France battled over ownership of the region around them. D'Entremont's family and descendants were among the last to leave during the great deportation that began in 1755 and the first to return a decade and a half later. They are the only Acadians to resettle in the same area they left behind, and begin anew. Today, the name d'Entremont dominates the local telephone directory. Jean Bernard d'Entremont, 66, a retired math teacher and amateur genealogist, is organizing the reunion that will mark his sprawling family's participation in the Acadian World Congress. He is the 10th of 13 children and a ninth generation d'Entremont. "Practically everyone in the community can claim that Philippe Muis d'Entremont was their ancestor," he said. "For a long time, there was a lot of intermarriage. It was a very closed community." West Pubnico is home to a dozen generations of d'Entremonts, from the oldest, 98-year-old Philomene Amirault, to the youngest, baby Edyn Arcelle d'Entremont, born June 16 to Stephanie and Jody d'Entremont. The hundreds and possibly thousands in between will travel from Ontario and Quebec, Louisiana and California, France and Spain for the reunion. But the majority of them will come from just down the road, where d'Entremonts make up more than half of the population of West Pubnico. [The d'Eon family is part of the same tree, descending from second-generation d'Entremonts and will be part of the reunion as well. Their numbers add hundreds more to the mix.] "Why are we doing this?" Jean Bernard said of the family's first-ever reunion. "It has to do with pride. Pride in our community and pride in our longevity. Pride that after a beginning marked by what would be seen today as intolerable hardship, we are still here. We want to celebrate that in a big way." The words "still here" are a mantra when talking to anyone named d'Entremont. "The hardship, it was unimaginable," said Bernice d'Entremont, curator of Le Musée Acadien in West Pubnico. "What is special about the Acadians, special about the d'Entremonts in particular, was that they came back and continued their lives where they started them. We came back. And we are still here." During the deportation, the Acadians were shipped throughout the Thirteen Colonies. Some were sent to France. The d'Entremonts and d'Eons of Pubnico landed in Boston. They were supposed to go from there to North Carolina, but at the last minute the Massachusetts governor decided to let them stay in New England. When they finally returned to the area, it was as it was when they first arrived. They resettled around both sides of the harbour. And most of those who returned bore the same name: d'Entremont. The Acadian World Congress will feature a grand parade in Point Clare, N.S., followed by an academic conference, arts and cultural showcases, a pilgrimage to the national historic site at Grand Pre, N.S., the centre of the deportation, and a concert on Citadel Hill in Halifax on Aug. 15. But it is the grassroots events -- the family reunions -- that are at the heart of the celebrations, which have been going on throughout the province since May. Nearly 100 family reunions will be held, from Aucoin to Thibodeau. "In West Pubnico there's a particular twist," said Neil Boucher, a historian and vice-president academic at the University of Moncton. "There is a long-standing attachment to the soil. Many people in Pubnico tend to stick together. It has been very inward looking. You've basically got just two families there." Réal d'Entremont, a fisherman and local historian, is a ninth-generation descendant of Philippe d'Entremont. He hauled out the local telephone directory and showed off column after column of distant relatives. "Pretty much everyone has d'Entremont blood," he said. "Somewhere along the line, most married someone from the family. Our whole family is here. We know where our roots are. The story goes so far back that it's sometimes hard not to get mixed up." Such a close-knit community poses an interesting issue that only emerged as a dilemma over the past generation or two. Everyone here is related. Jean Bernard figures he and his wife, Anne d'Eon could easily be third cousins. History has narrowly funnelled families and relationships in this Roman Catholic community. Until 40 or 50 years ago, few from the Pubnico region would think of marrying the Anglo-Saxon Protestants from nearby villages and towns. "Fifty years ago we hardly spoke to them, never mind marry them. When I was 15 years old, had I come home with an Anglo-Saxon it wouldn't have been pretty. It was the same for them. They didn't want their children to come home with frogs. "I hate to use the word, but there was a lot of inbreeding. Most of the people that I know married a relative, a distant relative, mind you. We don't think about it. But outsiders consider it. The last two or three generations decided that probably wasn't good, but there's still a lot of it. At least now it's acceptable to marry outside. There's much more tolerance for [other] religions and cultures." There are roughly a quarter-million Acadians living in the Maritime provinces, although most -- as many as 90 per cent -- call New Brunswick home. According to Mr. Boucher, fewer than 4 per cent of Nova Scotia's population of just fewer than one million are of Acadian descent. "It is almost a miracle the language in Nova Scotia has survived," Mr. Boucher said. "The government in Halifax was Anglican and English-speaking. There were discriminatory laws against Catholics. They could not vote or sit in the House of Assembly. When the school system came around in the late 1800s, English-speaking teachers were leading students who couldn't understand a word. "It was out of determination and, in part, their inward-looking attitude that they managed to preserve their language and culture. The authorities wanted to ostracize them, but in doing that they helped preserve the characteristics that determined who they were." The family names and place names ring loudly. The Pubnico region is made up of a handful of villages bearing the same name. Just off Highway 103, which hugs the south shore for more than 300 kilometres from Halifax to Yarmouth, is Pubnico, East Pubnico, Middle East Pubnico and Lower East Pubnico. Along the peninsula extending from the original village sits West Pubnico, Middle West Pubnico and Lower West Pubnico. The heart of the region, however, is West Pubnico, with its historical village and storied Le Musée Acadien and Archives. Father Clarence d'Entremont, an archivist who spent most of his life tirelessly researching the family, produced 11 books, thousands of papers and photographs, all meticulously catalogued and stored. "People come in to research in the archives and they are family," said Bernice d'Entremont, the museum curator. "I think of all of them as my family. It's so strong. It pulls people here to find their ancestors. And some people stumble across us by accident and that is incredible to see them discover their descendants. People are in tears. They want to touch the artifacts. They are moved." It seems surprising that a family with such a rich, tragic history has never hosted a family reunion. Organizers are expecting more than 1,500 d'Entremonts the first weekend in August; hundreds more if one factors in the d'Eons. "It wouldn't show up in the SkyDome, but for here that's a big deal," Jean Bernard d'Entremont said. "There is a good community spirit here. Though some people do leave. You'll find some of us more recently have gone to Halifax." His three adult children, all professionals, moved there to raise their families. But most of the people in Pubnico work in the fishing industry, mostly lobster and ground fish, and they do well by it. As suggested by Haligonian Peter d'Entremont's 1997 film, Acadian Spirit: The Legacy of Philippe d'Entremont, the story of the d'Entremont family is the history of Acadia. As he discovers his relatives he remarked: "Suddenly, I feel part of an enormous family." Acadia changed hands time and again -- nine times alone between Champlain's arrival in 1604 and 1710. Throughout, the Acadians, who were struggling to survive, also struggled to stay neutral. But when they refused to sign the oath of allegiance to the King of England, 10,000 men, women and children were deported. Peter d'Entremont called the expulsion "an attempt at cultural genocide." The village of Pubnico that Philippe d'Entremont knew and loved came to a fiery end on Sept. 23, 1758, when Major Roger Morris and his troops set it on fire, burning it to the ground. Residents of the village, Father Clarence wrote, who took refuge in thick woods nearby, watched the carnage -- a century-and-a-half's work turned to ash and rubble. Shortly after they were sent into exile, where they would remain for nearly 12 years. "Acadia occupied a strategic geographical position and served as a pawn in international politics," historians Sally Ross and Alphonse Deveau wrote in their 1992 book, The Acadians of Nova Scotia: Past and Present. "From a maritime point of view, Acadia was the key not only to the trade routes and the fishery of the North Atlantic, but also to the Gulf of St. Laurence and the fur trade. The key was tossed back and forth between the two superpowers for more than a century." Today, French and English co-exist peacefully in Acadia. There is an easy bilingualism here that does not feel political or problematic or in-your-face. "It's not something we think about," Jean Bernard d'Entremont said. "I grew up not having a choice, but the language is just something that came naturally to this place and its people. Most people will speak French, but there's no issue with speaking English as well. A lot of youngsters will speak more English. But if I go for a coffee at the Red Cap in the morning everyone converses in French." As the Congress and the reunion draw near, many residents have raised Acadian flags on their lawns as excitement catches on. In West Pubnico, 400 years can melt away in one conversation with a d'Entremont over a cup of coffee. "I can't imagine," said Jean Bernard, speaking once more of what his ancestors endured. "It must be so extremely difficult. I mean, I remember living with no electricity, but I can't imagine what they went through. It took its toll. But to a large degree that helped make the community what it is today."

Chile

Reuters 27 July 2004 Pinochet Defense to Audit Former Dictator's Assets SANTIAGO, Chile (Reuters) - Attorneys for former Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet have begun to audit his assets to determine the origin of millions of dollars he maintained in secret accounts in Washington-based Riggs Bank, his defense team said on Tuesday. A Chilean court last week opened an investigation into Pinochet's finances after a human rights lawyer lodged fraud accusations based on information from a U.S. Senate probe into Riggs Bank that found Pinochet accounts held some $4 million to $8 million between 1994 and 2002. Advertisement The information from the audit will be handed over to the judge investigating the accounts, Pablo Rodriguez, head of Pinochet's legal defense team, told reporters. ``We are doing a general audit of all the money to clear up any doubts, because what people want to know is the origin of this money and we are going do a detailed and thorough report on the origin of each part of it,'' Rodriguez said. Protected by a court finding that he has mild dementia, Pinochet has escaped trial despite hundreds of charges against him for human rights abuses when he ruled Chile between 1973 and 1990 after taking control in a military coup. Some 3000 people died or disappeared at the hands of the military and secret police. While many Chileans revile Pinochet for his repressive regime, his government is widely considered to have been generally free of corruption. Pinochet, 88 and in ill health, lives a quiet life in Chile, mostly keeping out of the public spotlight and increasingly irrelevant to politics in Chile, which has been ruled by three successive center-left governments. Pinochet's family and advisors first denied the Riggs accounts existed. Then they said they were donations for Pinochet's legal defense when he was held under arrest in England from 1998 to 2000, on an order from a Spanish judge who wanted to try Pinochet in Spain on charges of genocide and crimes against humanity. Then, his children said the funds were donations from business leaders toward the end of his de facto rule, after he lost a plebiscite in 1988, forcing him to step down and turn the country over to a democratically elected government. Pinochet's wife Lucia Hiriart has been named as the co-holder of the accounts, and could be called to declare before the investigating magistrate. ``I've spoken with her and she has very little information because he (Pinochet) handled these things directly,'' Rodriguez said.

Colombia

AFP 1 Jul 2004 22 killed in Colombia clashes BOGOTA, July 1 (AFP) - Nineteen rebels, one soldier and two members of a right-wing paramilitary army died in clashes in central and southern Colombia, the military said Thursday. The army said 19 rebels of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) died in clashes with army troops in combat late Wednesday and early Thursday in the municipality of Vista Hermosa, 260 kilometers (160 miles) south of Bogota. A soldier also died and two others were wounded, the army said. "According to the troops in the area, the number of FARC casualties is likely to rise, once bodies are removed and the military can inspect the area," the military said. Meanwhile, the army said it had killed two members of the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) in the southern province of Caqueta and captured 10 others in combat Thursday.

AP 11 July 2004 Seven Colombian peasants massacred BOGOTA, Colombia -- Suspected leftist guerrillas shot and killed seven rural peasants in an attack on a small village in Colombia's northwest, officials said. The massacre occurred Saturday in the municipality of San Carlos, 110 miles northwest of the capital, Jorge Mejia, the lieutenant governor of the Antioquia province, told local radio on Sunday. Mejia blamed the killings on Colombia's main rebel group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or the FARC. Authorities said hundreds of peasants in this region have been displaced from their homes in recent days amid fighting between FARC rebels and right-wing militia groups. The FARC was blamed for another massacre last month in northeast Colombia in which 34 farm workers were tied up and gunned down. Colombia is entrenched in a decades-old rebel conflict, fueled by an illegal drug trade, that pits the government against leftist guerrilla groups and right-wing paramilitary fighters. Some 3,500 people, mostly civilians, are killed each year due to the conflict.

Reuters 22 July 2004 Colombia Ordered to Pay in 1987 Massacre Thu Jul 22, 2004 03:11 PM ET BOGOTA, Colombia (Reuters) - The Colombian government has been ordered to pay $6.5 million in compensation for the murder of 19 river traders by army-backed paramilitaries in 1987, lawyers said on Thursday. The Inter-American Court of Justice criticized as "unsatisfactory" Colombian efforts to investigate the massacre near the town of Boyaca and punish the killers, according to a copy of the court ruling provided by the Colombian Jurists' Commission. In addition to ordering the compensation, the court ordered that the investigation be reopened. The traders, who bought and sold electrical goods, had been accused by paramilitaries of collaborating with Marxist rebels. The traders were shot and their bodies cut up and thrown into a river. A court later absolved several soldiers accused of participating in the crime. The accused paramilitaries were killed in a struggle with rival far-right militias before they could face trial. The Costa Rica-based inter-American court found that the paramilitaries had counted on the support of Colombia's high military command in events before the massacre and carrying it out. Paramilitary vigilante groups had been organized by the army and operated legally until they were banned in 1989. The ruling, which cannot be appealed, was the third time the court has ordered Colombia to pay compensation for similar cases. "Our country has laws and we have to respect court rulings," President Alvaro Uribe told reporters.

Guatemala

Reuters 9 July 2004 Guatemalan Soldiers Get 40 Years for Massacre Fri Jul 9, 2004 05:54 PM ET GUATEMALA CITY (Reuters) - A Guatemalan court has sentenced 14 soldiers to 40 years in jail for massacring Mayan Indians in 1995, court officials said on Friday, in one of the longest sentences given Guatemalan troops for human rights crimes. The court ruled late Thursday night that the former soldiers were guilty of extra-judicial killings, court secretary Leonardo Pop told Reuters. The men, all members of an army patrol, killed 11 people and injured 30 in a 1995 attack on Xaman, a Maya community in northern Guatemala. The victims had recently returned from Mexico after fleeing repression during Guatemala's 36-year civil war. One child killed in the massacre was first injured in the wrist, then chased by a soldier and shot in the chest, witnesses said. "This sentence is just and appropriate to the crime, it is a way of vindicating the rights and dignity of the victims," said Gustavo Meono of the Rigoberta Menchu Foundation rights group. The Guatemalan armed forces remain powerful, and courts have rarely given soldiers long sentences for rights crimes. The crime caused an outcry at a time when the Central American country was edging toward peace agreements -- signed in 1996 -- between the government and leftist insurgents. A 1999 U.N-backed truth commission said 200,000 people disappeared or were killed during the war, the vast majority of them Mayan civilians killed by the army. The highest ranking of those sentenced on Thursday was patrol commander Camilo Laclan of Guatemala's elite Kaibil commandos. The sentence is the culmination of three separate trials which have alternated between acquitting and convicting the former soldiers, all of whom have already spent time in jail. The men are expected to appeal the sentence, court officials said.

NYT July 10, 2004 The Illinois Congressman and the Dictator's Daughter By STEPHEN KINZER BLOOMINGTON, Ill., July 9 - A love story that raises memories of bloody repression in Central America has suddenly intruded into Illinois politics. Representative Jerry Weller, a Republican from the small farm town of Morris, surprised friends and supporters this week by announcing that he was engaged to a member of the Guatemalan congress. His fiancée, Zury Ríos Sosa, is the daughter of Gen. Efraín Ríos Montt, a former Guatemalan dictator who presided over one of the most brutal military campaigns in modern Latin American history. Mr. Ríos Montt, who is under house arrest pending trial on charges of organizing a political riot last summer, remains a major political figure in Guatemala. His daughter has for years been one of his principal advisers and strategists. Because Mr. Weller is a member of the House Committee on International Relations and sits on its Western Hemisphere subcommittee, his newly announced tie to one of Guatemala's most notorious political figures has added spice to his re-election campaign. His opponent, Tari Renner, a political science professor at Illinois Wesleyan University, has made it a campaign issue. "At the very least, Weller needs to repudiate the Ríos Montt regime and his party, and also resign from the international relations committee," Mr. Renner said. "This is not about private life. It's a matter that could affect not just policy, but national security. National security is not a personal issue. Genocide is not a personal issue." Guatemalan news organizations pressed Mr. Renner for interviews on Friday, and the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee in Washington went on the attack. The committee's press secretary, Greg Speed, said in a statement that "Congressman Weller has a clear conflict of interest serving on the committee that sets American policy for Central America while he's marrying into the family of a Guatemalan dictator." Mr. Weller was not available for comment on Friday. His spokesman, Telly Lovelace, said the wedding, which was to take place after the November election, posed "no difficulty and no conflict." "It's like a congressman who's a farmer and serves on the agriculture committee, or one who's on the finance committee even though his wife works at a bank," Mr. Lovelace said. "It has nothing to do with policy." In a radio interview here on Thursday, Mr. Weller said he was "not going to talk about Guatemalan domestic politics." "I support my fiancée, she's a wonderful woman, I love her with all my heart," he said. "For my opponent to attack her shows he is the lowest form of politician." Mr. Ríos Montt seized power in a military coup in 1982 and immediately began what the Guatemalan press called a "scorched earth" campaign against leftist insurgents. A United Nations commission later concluded that during his period in power, which lasted less than two years, the army committed 626 massacres of civilians. The commission's chairman, Christian Tomuschat, said Mr. Ríos Montt's government was responsible for "acts of genocide against groups of the Mayan people." Over the last decade, Mr. Ríos Montt has re-emerged as the head of a political party, the Guatemalan Republican Front. Adriana Beltrán, a researcher of Guatemala for the Washington Office on Latin America, a human rights group, said that the party "supports the interests of the right-wing military." When Mr. Ríos Montt ran for president of Guatemala last year, his daughter called him "totally democratic." She said that people in one town who pelted him with rocks and drowned out his speech with chants of "Murderer!" had violated his human rights. "Zury has supported her father very strongly, and as far as I know she has never distanced herself from the atrocities, the scorched-earth policy or the massacres that were part of his presidency," Ms. Beltrán said. Mr. Weller, who is 47 and has never married, met Ms. Ríos Sosa at a reception given by the United States ambassador to Guatemala last year. He was visiting Guatemala City as part of a Congressional delegation. This week he said that both he and Ms. Ríos Sosa planned to keep their legislative jobs and would spend time together whenever they could. "She is a very intelligent and well-educated woman, but she is also one of her father's main strategists," Frank LaRue, director of Guatemala's Presidential Commission on Human Rights, said in a telephone interview. "We have two main concerns about this marriage. The first is that if this congressman is going to seek some kind of political advantage from having married a Hispanic woman, people should be aware of what woman we're talking about. Second, we worry about what effect this could have on Congressional policy toward Guatemala." Mr. Weller is serving his fifth term in Congress. His district was drawn to protect the incumbent, and his seat is considered secure. Still, in 2000 the combined votes given to Al Gore and Ralph Nader in the area slightly exceeded those cast for George W. Bush. Some Democrats hope that Mr. Renner can win if Senator John Kerry and Barack Obama, a Democrat running for the Senate, pull enough anti-Bush voters to the polls. Mr. Renner said he doubted that Mr. Weller's marital plans would change many votes, and political analysts agreed. "I doubt it's going to affect the race much," said Chris Mooney, director of the Institute for Legislative Studies at the University of Illinois at Springfield. "It's something unusual, and it might attract people's attention in what would otherwise be another sleeper Congressional election. But you have to ask how many people in the district could even place Guatemala on a map."

AP 20 July 2004 Guatemalans commemorate massacre victims By SERGIO DE LEON PLAN DE SANCHEZ, Guatemala -- Guatemalans remembered 184 people who were killed in this small village 22 years ago, and called for punishment of those responsible. The ceremonies, which began Sunday and ended Monday, commemorated the victims of an attack on the village on July 18, 1982, part of a military campaign to wipe out support for rebels in a civil war that continued until 1996. Those killed included women, children and the elderly. They were among an estimated 200,000 Guatemalans who died in the country's 36-year civil war. An Achi Mayan priest burned incense and prayed for peace for the village, 50 miles north of Guatemala City. Mourners gathered around him murmured their own prayers. Buenaventura Manuel, a lumberjack who survived the massacre, said the ritual was partly meant to pray for punishment of those responsible. "They shut the women in a house, they shot at it and finally they set it on fire. They separated out the young women and at the end of the massacre, they raped them and then killed them," Manuel said. Those who died included Manuel's grandmother, mother and three sisters. The Plan de Sanchez massacre is among several included in a criminal complaint of genocide filed by a human rights group. Prosecutors are weighing whether to bring charges against former dictator Efrain Rios Montt, who was in power at the time. Rios Montt has denied ordering such massacres. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights ruled in March that the Guatemalan government was to blame for the July 18 massacre and a number of others. It is currently considering what action should be taken. .

Mexico

Reuters 22 July 2004 Fox, Opposition Clash Over 1971 Massacre Charges Thu Jul 22, 2004 11:14 AM ET By Lorraine Orlandi MEXICO CITY (Reuters) - Mexico is poised to indict a former president for ordering a massacre 33 years ago, an unprecedented step that puts President Vicente Fox back on a collision course with the long-ruling PRI party that he ousted four years ago. By Saturday, a special prosecutor named by Fox is to present charges in a 1971 attack by a paramilitary band on student protesters that killed at least 25 people. The prosecutor says the massacre epitomized systematic state repression under the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI, and rights groups say the charges would end longstanding official impunity. The president at the time, Luis Echeverria, is widely expected to be charged. Now 82, he would be the first former president in Mexico's modern history to face criminal charges. Fox, who ousted the PRI in 2000 elections, would finally make good on campaign pledges to punish past crimes in high places under the PRI and some experts say he could guarantee his legacy with the indictment. This is "the last chance for Vicente Fox to reach the end of his term with any life instead of buried under his own debris," commentator Denise Dresser said in the Reforma daily. But even before its release, the indictment is already mired in the partisan politics that have characterized public life in recent months as the 2006 presidential race looms. Echeverria's lawyers have declared him innocent and are poking holes in the prosecutor's case, while PRI leaders are also fiercely defending the ex-president and the party's name. "We are talking about the Mexican head of state, the presidential institution, the historical legitimacy that gave the country political stability for more than 70 years while the world was immersed in wars, coups and civil conflict," the PRI leadership said last week. PRI leaders accuse Fox of provoking discord as Mexico faces pressing problems and say they may halt talks over his fiscal, labor and energy initiatives, which are seen as crucial to national progress and have been blocked by the PRI. Mexico's attorney general in turn rejected the notion that the justice system could be blackmailed over politics, though some analysts speculated the Fox government might bargain with the PRI over the Echeverria charges. Rights leaders say charging Echeverria would be an historic step toward achieving full democracy after seven decades of often corrupt and authoritarian single-party rule. "It would be a very important step for people to see they can have access to justice even as those who were once in power continue to apply pressure," said Jesus Martin, a complainant in the 1971 case whose brother died in the attack. But the political wrangling may dilute the social impact. "It only reinforces the cynicism that most Mexicans have about politics, which is it's a very dirty business so what do you expect," said Roderic Camp, a Mexico expert at California's Claremont McKenna College. As the charges approach, calls to forgive and forget, some from within Fox's own government, have grown louder, prompting victims to question Fox's commitment to justice. "Things are happening to ensure that no one of any real weight goes before the courts or to jail," said Julio Mata, head of the victims' group Afadem. "There is no real political will. The state will not punish anyone."

NYT 24 July 2004 A Former President of Mexico Charged With 1971 Killings By GINGER THOMPSON and TIM WEINER MEXICO CITY, July 23 - A special prosecutor filed charges on Friday against a former president and other officials in the killings of student protesters 33 years ago, reopening a dark and divisive episode that was a turning point in Mexico's struggle for democracy. The prosecutor, Ignacio Carrillo Prieto, filed evidence against former President Luis Echeverría, his top aides and high-ranking military officials in the killings of at least 25 protesters who were attacked with clubs and chains by shock troops as they marched peacefully through Mexico City on June 10, 1971. The indictments are the first ever against a former president here. They present a direct blow to Mr. Echeverría, 82, the oldest living lion of the authoritarian government that dominated this country for more than 70 years under the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI, as well as to the military, still Mexico's most impenetrable institution. The 1971 killings have been an open sore to Mexico, and President Vicente Fox's victory over the PRI in 2000 freed his country for the first time to scrutinize past government abuses and possibly seek justice. In Latin America, where decades of government atrocities have gone unpunished, the indictments move Mexico into uncharted political terrain as promising as it is uncertain. In an interview on Friday morning, the prosecutor, Mr. Carrillo said the indictments sent the message that "there is no one, and there will be no one, above the law in Mexico.'' But many political analysts said the chances were slim that Mr. Echeverría would be tried and convicted for killings that took place 33 years ago. It is already clear that Mr. Fox will face resistance from the military and the PRI, which remains the largest party in Congress. The president has given little backing, political or financial, to the special prosecutor since creating the post two years ago. The analysts also suspect that the evidence will not meet the standards for the charge filed by Mr. Carrillo - genocide - defined in the Mexican penal code as "systematic crimes against the lives of members of any national group,'' including political dissidents. Even former members of President Fox's administration warn that this first major step in Mexico's reckoning with its history could be its last. "If the case against Echeverría is not sufficiently substantiated, it will destroy the credibility of the whole process,'' said Adolfo Aguilar Zinser, a former national security adviser to President Fox. "Such an extraordinary and bold move could lead to shattering disappointment,'' he said. "And the truth will never be known. And it will bring Mexico's reckoning with the past to a dead end.'' Speaking to reporters who had gathered outside his home after reports that he had fled the country, Mr. Echeverría put up a defiant front. He told them there had never been genocide in Mexico. "I am at peace,'' he said. "I have no reason to leave the country.'' The PRI, which still holds a plurality in Congress and controls 17 of the nation's 32 states, has called the indictments a political witch hunt. Melquíades Morales, governor of the southern state of Puebla, warned that the indictments could lead to "a confrontation of unspeakable consequences.'' "How nice that the president cares so much about the past,'' Mariano Palacios Alcocer, a former president of the PRI, said in an interview. "Too bad he is not as worried about the present and the future.'' Meanwhile the military, through a rare media campaign by the defense minister, has called for forgiveness and amnesty. The indictments were handed down four years after Mr. Fox was elected on promises to make a clean break from the rule of the PRI, establish rule of law and deliver truth and justice to the victims of past government abuses. The effort was begun with a groundbreaking report in 2001 by the National Human Rights Commission, which named at least 74 government officials involved in a campaign of torture and disappearances against suspected leftists during the so-called Dirty War from the late 1960's into the early 1980's. The commission documented the disappearances of at least 275 people in that era. But the indictments on Friday were Mexico's biggest step in the pursuit of justice. Mr. Carrillo said that in addition to Mr. Echeverría, who was president from 1970 to 1976, he will seek the arrest and trial of several former government officials and military officers. Those accused include a former internal security minister, Mario Moya, and a former attorney general, Julio Sánchez Vargas. Three former army generals may also face charges in the case. International human rights activists, including Daniel Wilkinson of Human Rights Watch, applauded the indictments as "achieving the unthinkable.'' Some Mexicans, however, expressed resentment and reservations. Relatives of those killed in the 1971 attacks, including Jesús Martín del Campo, called the indictments "a small, but important step.'' Mr. Martín del Campo, whose brother was killed, said, "So many governments had told us this case was closed. At least now, we are a little closer to justice.'' President Echeverría took office in December 1970. Before, as interior minister - the nation's internal security chief - he oversaw the violent suppression of student protesters in the late 1960's. On his watch, government forces killed scores of people. The most notorious killings - the Tlatelolco massacre, named for the neighborhood in which it happened - took place just before the 1968 Olympics in Mexico City. As president, Mr. Echeverría appointed Fernando Gutiérrez Barrios, who had been chief of Mexico's fearsome secret police, as deputy interior minister. Mr. Gutiérrez Barrios, who died in 2000, was adept at recruiting undergraduates to infiltrate left-wing groups, paying their tuition in exchange for information. His campus recruits were usually the children of PRI stalwarts. They formed the ranks of a government strike force created to counter the student movement in September 1968, days before the Tlatelolco killings. It was called the Falcons - Halcones, in Spanish. In May 1971, the student movement began to stir again. In Mexico City, thousands began to plan a demonstration, set for June 10. Contemporary evidence, including cables from the United States Embassy in Mexico City after the attacks, established that President Echeverría supported the Falcons and their attacks. The United States Embassy in Mexico City was well aware of the group. On Jan. 6, 1971, it sent a cable to Washington saying a prominent Mexican Army colonel, Daz Escobar, had come to the embassy seeking training for a group of young army officers and university students. The cable described the students as likely government infiltrators of campus organizations. Washington granted the request, though no American-trained Falcons took part in the killings on June 10, 1971. A subsequent cable from the American Embassy noted, "It is well established that the Halcones are an officially financed, organized, trained and armed repressive group, the main purpose of which since its founding in September 1968 has been the control of leftist and anti-government students.'' "Its existence and function were well known to all top government of Mexico law enforcement and political officials,'' the cable continued. It concluded: "It stretches the imagination to believe that Echeverría was not aware of plans to severely repress the June 10 demonstration.'' A week after the killings, the United States State Department's intelligence and research bureau reported that the Falcons were "recruited from university-age students who are sons of people friendly with PRI officials enjoying the personal confidence of President Echeverría.'' The president "was supporting the Halcones as a counterfoil to the activist left-wing,'' and "may well have given his blessing to the use of the group'' against the demonstrators, the State Department said in its report on June 17, 1971. That same day, the United States Embassy gloomily concluded that "many responsible Mexicans'' now believed "that repressive force will be an inevitable part of the Mexican political system for some time to come.''

NYT 25 July 2004 Mexican Judge Throws Out Case Against Former President By TIM WEINER and GINGER THOMPSON EXICO CITY, July 25 - A Mexican judge on Saturday denied a special prosecutor's request for an arrest warrant on charges against former President Luis Echeverría for the killings of student protesters in 1971, a stinging setback in the pursuit of justice for the abuses of the authoritarian government that ruled this country for most of the last century. The decision amounts to a temporary dismissal of the case filed Friday against Mr. Echeverría, president of Mexico from 1970 to 1976. The special prosecutor, Ignacio Carrillo Prieto, said he would appeal the decision and would ask Mexico's attorney general to take the case to the Supreme Court. Mr. Carrillo Prieto said the judge did not "adequately weigh each and every one of the elements" of the 9,385 pages of evidence and testimony he had presented Friday. The prosecutor did not explain why the judge had thrown out the charges, and there was no statement by the judge, who was appointed by Mexico's Supreme Court. The charges accused Mr. Echeverría of genocide for his role in controlling a government hit squad that attacked demonstrators in Mexico City on June 10, 1971. About 25 marchers died that day. President Echeverría denied that anyone had been killed. Mr. Echeverría, 82, is the elder statesman of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI, which ruled Mexico from 1929 until 2000, when Vicente Fox won the presidency. No former president has ever been charged with a crime in Mexico. President Fox appointed the special prosecutor more than two years ago, with great fanfare. He said the prosecutor would uncover secrets that had shrouded the government's war against the Mexican left from the late 1960's to the early 1980's, which killed hundreds and left at least 275 missing and presumed dead. "In Mexico, there has never been a genocide," Juan Velasquez, Mr. Echeverría's lawyer, said in an interview. "There have been clashes, deaths, and massacres, but never genocide, as a policy of the state." "In my 35 years in as a lawyer, in all my political cases, this one is the easiest of them all," said Mr. Velasquez, who has defended a former Mexican president and another former president's brother in civil matters. "It is doomed to fail." The prosecutor's charge of genocide - in Mexico, "systematic crimes against the lives of members of any national group," including political dissidents, appears for the moment to have misfired. "The irony is by that charging Echeverría with genocide, he may have ensured impunity," said George Vickers, Latin America director at the Open Society Institute in Washington. "The justice system in Mexico has a theatrical dimension to it, and the performance of the special prosecutor is increasingly looking like tragedy disguised as farce." Rights groups, and some former members of the special prosecutor's office, have said for months that the office was faltering, running into a stone wall built by the Mexican military and the former ruling party. Under intense pressure from that party, Mr. Fox did not establish a "truth commission" to investigate the past, as other nations have done. The former ruling party, which still holds a plurality in the Mexican Congress, has warned the president against a witch hunt for political gain. Now Mr. Fox has distanced himself from the issue, saying he wants to uphold the independence of Mexico's judicial system. In his weekly radio address to the nation on Saturday, he did not mention the Echeverría case.

AP 26 July 2004 Genocide tag stirs Mexico THE ASSOCIATED PRESS MEXICO CITY - Many Mexicans criticized a special prosecutor for accusing a former president of genocide, with some saying the charges didn't fit the crime. Others questioned a judge's decision to reject the case. Special Prosecutor Ignacio Carrillo argued that dozens were killed on June 10, 1971, when security forces attacked protesters with sticks and guns, and that the crime fit a 1967 Mexican law outlawing genocide. Judge Julio Cesar Flores disagreed Saturday, and many in Mexico said the charges against former President Luis Echeverria, accused of ordering the attack, devalued the term "genocide." "It would have been better to do nothing at all," leftist Mexico City Mayor Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador said Sunday. "I think the majority of people are going to doubt this." Carrillo said the judge "did not fully analyze the evidence contained in the 14 volumes, consisting of 9,382 pages, probably because of time constraints." But some doubted the efficacy of genocide charges - or any criminal charges - 33 years after the events. "This was the wrong way to do this," said former national security adviser Adolfo Aguilar Zinser, who had suggested President Vicente Fox form a truth commission rather than try former leaders. "If you can't prove these charges, then it just leaves people thinking there was some lack of commitment, or political maneuvering." Fox has not commented on the case, beyond saying that it was in the hands of the judicial system. There was also a debate about whether the 1971 attack was truly genocide, defined as a systematic attempt to exterminate a racial, ethnic or national group. A lawyer for Echeverria said only 11 people died in the demonstration, but activists have said dozens were killed and many of the deaths were covered up. Others criticized the judge for refusing to uphold the case. "This nullified, in one blow, all the progress that had been made in the credibility of legal processes in Mexico," said writer Carlos Monsivais. David Roura, one of the 1971 protesters, said the attack was against a "a national group."

AP 27 July 2004 Gov't Appeals Judge's Echeverria Ruling By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS Published: July 27, 2004 Filed at 10:36 p.m. ET MEXICO CITY (AP) -- Federal prosecutors on Tuesday appealed a judge's decision not to issue an arrest warrant against former President Luis Echeverria, whom investigators have linked to the deaths of protesters during a 1971 anti-government demonstration. The office of Ignacio Carrillo, the special prosecutor in charge of investigating decades-old human rights violations allegedly committed by Mexico's government, asked the judge to allow an appeals court to rule on whether a warrant should be issued. Advertisement On Friday, Carrillo lodged the first-ever criminal charges against an ex-president, presenting Judge Cesar Flores 9,382 pages of evidence from a two-year investigation of Echeverria's administration. He claimed that the former president fought a decade-long counterinsurgency campaign against the student pro-democracy movement and small and violent leftist guerrilla groups. Carrillo alleged that dozens of students died in the ``Corpus Christi massacre'' on June 10, 1971. Defense lawyers claim only about 11 were killed. On Saturday, Flores blocked arrest warrants against Echeverria and other former top officials that the prosecutors alleged were ultimately responsible for the killings. He has not explained his decision. Carrillo has complained that the judge could not have reviewed all the evidence in the case during the single day it took him to issue a ruling. Echeverria, 82, has repeatedly denied any involvement in the killings. His lawyers say charges of genocide are not applicable because of a 30-year statute of limitations -- a claim Carrillo has rejected.

United States

www.usnewswire.com 29 June 2004 Former Congressman and Radio Commentator Arrested at Sudanese Embassy 'Stop the Genocide and Free the Slaves' Demonstration To: National Desk Contact: Keith Roderick of Christian Solidarity International, 202-498-8644 or keith.roderick@csi-usa.org WASHINGTON, June 29 /U.S. Newswire/ -- Today, Christian Solidarity International (CSI), together with Sudan Campaign partners, marched on the Sudanese Embassy in Washington D.C., protesting against state-sponsored genocide and slavery. Two Sudan Campaign members, former Congressman Rev. Walter Fauntroy and radio talk show host Joe Madison, were arrested by Secret Service agents protesting through non-violent civil disobedience. Wrapping yellow "Crime Scene" police tape around the entrance Madison declared the embassy a crime scene, noting that the racist Government of Sudan is guilty of genocide and slavery against black Sudanese. The Sudan Campaign demonstration was timed to coincide with Secretary of State Colin Powell's visit to western Sudan where government-sponsored ethnic cleansing raids have resulted within the past twelve months in the displacement of over one million Black Africans, the death of tens of thousands and the enslavement of others. The genocide process in Sudan has progressed in tandem with a U.S. supported peace initiative directed by the newly appointed U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, former Sen. John Danforth. In October 2002, President George W. Bush and both Houses of Congress, including Sen. John Kerry, identified the Government of Sudan as a perpetrator of acts of "genocide". But since then, the U.S. government has taken no further punitive measures against Khartoum. U.S. government officials have warned that hundred of thousands may die in the coming months. CSI and Sudan Campaign partners urged the United States to work closely with Sudan's oppressed democratic opposition to restore respect for human rights; mobilize international forces to guarantee the safe return of survivors of ethnic cleansing; and to stand in the vanguard of efforts to suspend the Government of Sudan's membership of the United Nations. CSI's Executive Director, Dr. John Eibner, issued call to action, stating: "I commend the many people of good will throughout this county, people of every race and religion who are not prepared to stand idly by when the lives of fellow human beings are destroyed en mass by the evil forces of genocide and slavery. Let us all join together to STOP the GENOCIDE and FREE the SLAVES!" The Rev. Walter Fauntroy, declared, "Enough is enough!" He said, "It is our hope and expectation that the action we take today will spur people of conscience to come to this place everyday, week and month, for however long it takes until the killing stops." Other speakers included Nina Shea, Freedom House Director for the Center for Religious Freedom, Faith McDonnell, Institute on Religion and Democracy, Rabbi David Saperstein, Director of the Religious Action Center for Reformed Judaism, and Dr. Charles Jacobs, President of the American Anti-Slavery Group. CSI Washington Representative, the Rev. Dr. Keith Roderick concluded the demonstration, calling for the international community to stop sweeping the crimes of the Sudanese government under the rug. "Lies and denial cannot protect the Sudanese government any longer from its complicity with evil."

NYT 1 July 2004 1 in 6 Iraq Veterans Is Found to Suffer Stress-Related Disorder By ANAHAD O'CONNOR Published: July 1, 2004 About one in six soldiers returning from the war in Iraq shows signs of post-traumatic stress disorder or other emotional difficulties, researchers are reporting today. Lower levels of psychiatric problems were found among troops who served in Afghanistan. The study, published today in The New England Journal of Medicine, is the first to examine the mental health of troops returning from Iraq. The researchers surveyed more than 6,000 soldiers in the months before and after service in Iraq or Afghanistan. Almost 17 percent of those who fought in Iraq reported symptoms of major depression, severe anxiety or post-traumatic stress disorder, compared with about 11 percent of the troops who served in Afghanistan. The rates were slightly higher than those found among soldiers in the 1991 Persian Gulf war, and lower than the rates in Vietnam veterans. But mental health studies of soldiers in those earlier conflicts were carried out years — in the case of Vietnam, decades — after the troops returned home. The new study examined soldiers before deployment and within three to four months after they returned. "In the Vietnam era, post-traumatic stress disorder hadn't even been recognized as a disorder," said Dr. Charles W. Hoge, lead author of the study and chief of the department of psychiatry and behavioral sciences at the Walter Reed Army Institute of Research. "It wasn't until 10 or 15 years later that many of the experiences the soldiers were having were recognized as P.T.S.D. Because of those lessons, we're now trying to take a more proactive approach to mental health." He and other experts said that every war imposed unique pressures. Soldiers in Iraq have more contact with the enemy and more exposure to terrorist attacks than did troops in the earlier Iraq war. National Guardsmen and Reserve troops are playing a larger role. At the same time, soldiers in Iraq have more public support than did the veterans returning from Vietnam. The finding that rates of psychiatric problems among the soldiers returning from Iraq were higher in the new study than those among troops who were in Afghanistan reflects their greater exposure to combat, the researchers said. More than 90 percent of the Iraq troops reported having been shot at, while among those returning from Afghanistan, 66 percent said they had been attacked. In each group, those who had the largest number of symptoms were also the ones least likely to seek help, the study found. More than half the soldiers who met the criteria for a psychiatric disorder reported that they had not sought help out of fear that they would be stigmatized or their careers would be harmed. Whether the percentage of troops experiencing post-traumatic stress will change over time is unclear, but most experts say that the figures are likely to increase. Dr. Robert Rosenheck, a professor of psychiatry and public health at Yale and director of the Department of Veterans Affairs Northeast Program Evaluation Center, said it was possible that some soldiers were experiencing symptoms but had not yet recognized them. In the late 1990's, a long-term study of veterans of the Persian Gulf war found that the prevalence of post-traumatic symptoms more than doubled between an initial survey and a second one two years later. Based on those findings, and the continued fighting in Iraq, the percentage of returning soldiers with post-traumatic symptoms could still go up, said Dr. Matthew J. Friedman, director of the Department of Veterans Affairs at the National Center for Post-traumatic Stress Disorder. "We know from research on soldiers deployed to Somalia in the early 90's that as the nature of the mission changed from peacekeeping to the capture of warlords, the prevalence of P.T.S.D. went up," he said. "The current study was conducted back when the war was one of liberation." Another variable is the increasing numbers of National Guard and Army Reserves troops that are being sent overseas. Because they receive relatively little warning before deployment and are often less prepared for combat than soldiers in regular units, Dr. Friedman said, Guard and Reserves troops are more prone to post-traumatic stress. "This study was only about those who were exposed to things that, in essence, were part of their jobs," he said. "There is a major concern about how Guard and Reserve troops are going to fare, particularly now that their tours are being extended."

NYT 4 July 2004 Ahistorical on Turkey To the Editor: "Courting Allies, Bush Ends Rift With the Turks" (front page, June 28) reports that President Bush "described Turkey as a country that had fostered tolerance between its Islamic majority and its minority religious groups." This indicates his continued lack of historical knowledge and understanding of the Middle East. Throughout the 20th century, Turkey disallowed minority rights and destroyed most of its indigenous minority peoples. In the first quarter of the 20th century, more than four million Christian citizens of Turkey — Armenians, Assyrians and Greeks — were victims of genocide, massacre or deportation. Turkey's largest minority, the Kurds, have been denied human rights; their cultural modes of expression have been outlawed. Conducting diplomacy should not necessitate outright denials of history. President Bush would serve us all better if he understood something about the histories of the countries with which he engages. PETER BALAKIAN Hamilton, N.Y., July 1, 2004 The writer is the author of a book about the Armenian genocide and a professor of humanities at Colgate University.

writ.news.findlaw.com 12 July 2004 The Alien Tort Claims Act: How Powerful a Human Rights Weapon Is It? The Supreme Court Gives Some Guidance, But Not Much By ANTHONY J. SEBOK anthony.sebok@brooklaw.edu ---- Monday, Jul. 12, 2004 A little less than two weeks ago, in a unanimous decision, the Supreme Court resolved the case of Sosa v. Alvarez-Machain. The case required the Court to interpret both the Federal Torts Claim Act (FTCA) and the Alien Tort Statute, better known as the Alien Tort Claim Act (ATCA). The decision was eagerly awaited by both human rights groups and multinational corporations. The Bush Justice Department had urged the Court to restrict, if not completely gut, the scope of the ATCA - a reading that would have greatly benefited multinationals. (I wrote about the government's position in an earlier column.) In contrast, human rights groups had urged the Court to read the statute broadly, to vindicate the rights to noncitizens to sue for human rights violations in U.S. federal courts. The Court's decision seemed to rebuke the government. Accordingly, the media generally portrayed the decision as a victory for the human rights community. But in fact, as I will argue in this column, the Court's opinion in Sosa cannot be easily categorized as a victory for anyone. That is because, as I will show, the Court, in deciding Sosa, avoided many of the hard questions that have made the ATCA so controversial in the past ten years. It thus left open the question of whether the ATCA will be as powerful a weapon as human rights activists hope - or as weak a weapon as multinationals hope. The Facts of the Sosa Case The Sosa case arose from an incident that took place in 1985 in Mexico. There, members of a Mexican drug cartel tortured and murdered an American DEA agent. American prosecutors believed that a Mexican doctor, Humberto Alvarez-Machain, kept the agent alive in order to either to get more information, or prolong his agony. Alvarez was indicted in absentia by a Los Angeles grand jury, but the Justice Department could not get him extradited from Mexico. The DEA therefore hired a man named Sosa, as well as other Mexicans, to kidnap Alvarez and forcibly brought him onto U.S. soil -- where he was arrested by U.S. officials. At his criminal trial in Los Angeles, Alvarez was acquitted. Once back in Mexico, Alvarez filed a civil claim in U.S. federal court against the U.S. under the FTCA - which was dismissed. Alvarez also filed additional civil claims in U.S. federal court against the Mexican nationals who had kidnapped him, including a man named Jose Francisco Sosa, under the ATCA. All the claims except the one against Sosa were dismissed. After a trial on Alvarez's ATCA claim against Sosa, a jury in Los Angeles awarded Alvarez $25,000 in damages for emotional distress. The Alien Tort Claims Act: The Legal Basis for the Suit The ATCA has been part of American law since 1789. It grants the federal district courts "original jurisdiction of any civil action by an alien for a tort only, committed in violation of the law of nations or a treaty of the United States." Until 1980, the ATCA was very rarely used. But that year, in the decision of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit in Filartiga v. Pena-Irala, and in other decisions that followed, the ATCA was interpreted in a more expansive way. Since 1980, the ATCA has been held to apply to human rights violations by agents of foreign nations occurring outside the United States. It has also been held to apply to violations of certain core principles of human rights -- principles that are considered part of customary international law -- by private individuals and corporations. Sosa's Position: The ATCA Did Not Authorize Any Suits At All Sosa -- joined by the Bush administration as well as groups such as the Chamber of Commerce of the United States of America and the American Petroleum Institute -- took the position that the passage of the ATCA in 1789 did not authorize anyone to sue in federal court, since it granted jurisdiction without saying jurisdiction over what. In other words, despite 200 years of precedent to the contrary, Sosa, the Justice Department and corporate America were arguing that, until Congress passed additional legislation, the ATCA was an empty gesture. As I suggested in my previous column, the position urged by Bush administration was implausible on its face. And indeed, the Court's unanimous opinion, in Section III, rejected the argument that, because the ATCA was jurisdictional, it did not create a statutory cause of action. In that Section, the Court made very clear that the ATCA is and was no dead letter, for its "jurisdictional grant is best read as having been enacted on the understanding that the common law would provide a cause of action." ("Common law" is the evolving, court-made law consisting of a body of judicial precedents; it is in contrast to court interpretation of legislature-made law such as statutes, or executive agency-made law such as regulations.) The ATCA Protects Human Rights - But Not All of Them Ironically, Sosa still won his case in the end. In his opinion for the Court, Justice Souter canvassed modern international law and concluded that arbitrary arrest could not be the basis for an ATCA claim, because - while it might be actionable under American or Mexican law -- it was not a violation of any self-executing treaty signed by the United States, nor was it a violation of a binding norm of customary international human rights law, as the ATCA requires. However, for many human rights activists -- including Paul Hoffman, one of Alvarez's lawyers -- Souter's opinion was a case of losing the battle but winning the war. For them, the key issue, in the long run, was not whether Alvarez could sue Sosa for arbitrary arrest -- or false imprisonment, or kidnapping, for that matter. It was whether the ATCA would be available in the future to victims of genocide, slave labor, and other clear violations of international human rights. Human rights lawyers might disagree, even among themselves, over which wrongs count as violations of international human rights law. All agree, however, that some set of wrongs must be included in the ATCA. And it seemed that the Court agreed with them. But did it really? There are several reasons to think it didn't go anywhere near as far as human rights lawyers may believe. A Concurrence with the Logic of a Dissent It's important, first, to look at the concurrence written by Justice Scalia, which was joined by Chief Justice Rehnquist and Justice Thomas. It reads more like a dissent. It's true that these three joined with Souter and the rest of the Court. And that fact that they did seems, at first glance, like a stinging rebuke to the Justice Department. But in fact, in his concurrence Scalia simply repackaged the Justice Department's argument. Scalia claimed that even supposing the ATCA originally included international "common" law, it no longer does. Why? It is not because the ATCA was amended - it wasn't. It is, according to Scalia, because in 1938, the Supreme Court issued its famous civil procedure decision in Erie R. Co. v. Tompkins. Lawyers generally see this case as simple, yet fundamental. A federal court has what is called "diversity" jurisdiction over a case if the parties are from different states. Erie held that in a "diversity" case, the federal court should apply state substantive law. Thus, even today, in a diversity case, while the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure apply, the substantive law - of tort, or contract, or what have you - is state law. Readers may ask: What in the world does this have to do with the ATCA? Good question - but Scalia has an answer for it. Scalia believes that Erie accomplished a legal transformation. Before Erie, federal courts applied what they thought of as a "federal common law" in diversity cases. After Erie, they legally could not; they could only apply state law. Thus, according to Scalia, Erie not only told federal courts what law to apply in diversity cases, it also abolished "federal common law" across the board. And since the ATCA, in turn, was based on federal common law, the norms borrowed from international law disappeared too. Or put another way, in enacting the ATCA, Congress had tried to incorporate something that did not exist: federal common law. There are serious problems with Scalia's view. For one thing, why equate federal common law with the international common law the ATCA references? The ATCA mentions "the law of nations," not U.S. federal law. (It also mentions U.S. treaty obligations. But they are not common law - they are statutory.) Just because the law of nations is referenced in a federal statute, does not make it identical to federal common law. In any case, it's not really true that federal common law has been utterly abolished. Courts, in effect, go beyond statutory text into the realm of common - that is, court-made - in a whole host of federal cases, ranging from maritime law to constitutional torts. Also, Erie seems inapplicable here given that ATCA suits enter federal courts under "federal question" jurisdiction, because the plaintiff is invoking a federal statute, and not under diversity jurisdiction. It's not clear that Erie really had anything to do with federal question cases at all. Finally, if the worry is that Congress incorporated a vague set of rules, it's important to note that at the time the ATCA was enacted, some very specific rules were known to be part of the "law of nations" - and those rules doubtless have modern counterparts. But what's most interesting about Scalia's view is that he felt he could both express this view, and concur in Souter's opinion. Why? The reason is that Souter's opinion really does not say anything about how federal courts are supposed to interpret the international common law norms that are part of the ATCA. It does tell us that one norm--the right against arbitrary arrest--is not part of the international common law included in the ATCA. But it does not really say why that is - nor does it say which rights might be part of that common law. So nothing in Souter's opinion will stop Scalia, in the next ATCA case before the Court, from trying to narrowly interpret the "law of nations" - perhaps to be limited to rights akin to the anti-piracy rights familiar to the Framers. More ATCA Battles Will Doubtless Follow Now In the end, then, the real battle over the ATCA has just begun. The truth is, the Court has not told us very much about how it will interpret the ATCA. It's true that Scalia's concurrence has a preemptive strike designed to warn certain judges (such as the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit) not to read the ATCA too expansively. The fact that he is scared is probably the reason so many human rights lawyers felt they won the Sosa case. But it's important to remember that their optimism is not based on what the Court itself said--it is based on what Justice Scalia was afraid the Court could say in the future. Justice Souter's opinion was able to win eight other votes for a reason: It left all the hard questions for another day. Thus, the Sosa decision cannot be seen as a victory for the human rights community. It is, at best, an "operational pause" in a long, hard battle to come.

Detroit Free Press 12 July 2004 www.freep.com LOCAL COMMENT: UN must put action behind plan to wipe out genocide July 12, 2004 BY SHERI FINK Mourners in Bosnia on Sunday marked the ninth anniversary of genocide against the Muslim inhabitants of the town of Srebrenica. After an extraordinary application of international pressure, a Bosnian Serb governmental commission recently released an official mea culpa, setting responsibility for war crimes squarely on the shoulders of Bosnian Serb military and police. The president of Bosnia's Serb Republic accepted the report, calling events in Srebrenica, "a black page in the history of the Serbian nation." Although that was an overdue acknowledgement of long-established crimes, these events signal that Bosnia's Serb entity is finally reckoning with its past. The horrors detailed in the new report underline the importance of preventing genocide. In the nine years since the Srebrenica genocide, which occurred in the presence of UN peacekeeping forces, governments and world leaders have acknowledged responsibility for failing to help protect the innocent. But too little has since been done. Two months ago, at a 10-year commemoration of the Rwanda genocide, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan warned that "the risk of genocide remains frighteningly real" and launched an Action Plan to Prevent Genocide. The plan calls for the appointment of a special adviser on genocide prevention to report directly to the secretary general as part of an early warning system. But Annan's office says no appointment has yet been made and none of the United Nations' member nations have put forward resolutions to implement any of the action steps in the genocide prevention plan. One of those steps would "end impunity" by improving the ability of international criminal tribunals to bring the perpetrators of genocide to justice. Yet, as the UN Security Council presses the war crimes tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to conclude its work, the men most wanted for their role in Srebrenica's genocide -- Bosnian Serb General Ratko Mladic and former Bosnian Serb political leader Radovan Karadzic -- remain fugitives. Recently, after Bosnia's non-cooperation with the tribunal led NATO to rightly turn down the country's bid to join its Partnership for Peace Program, Bosnia's international high representative fired 60 Bosnian Serb officials thought to be blocking Karadzic's arrest. While ending impunity is crucial, the most important action steps in the secretary general's anti-genocide plan are those aimed at heading off impending genocide and massive violations of human rights. The UN Security Council recently held hearings that highlighted both the persistent vulnerability of civilians in times of conflict and the ineffectiveness of the current UN system in protecting them. The council has not yet introduced a resolution to address these deficiencies. The anti-genocide plan also calls for "swift and decisive action" when genocide appears imminent. The mounting death toll in Darfur, Sudan, evinces a remarkable failure of international power brokers to oppose the perpetrators of mass crimes in real time. For months, journalists, governmental and nongovernmental humanitarian officials and human rights researchers raised the alarm as an estimated 1.2 million men, women and children in Darfur were chased from their homes and land, their villages burned and untold numbers killed. Still exposed to danger from marauding militias and airplane bombings, even on the day after U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell visited the region recently, they are now at risk of dying in an engineered famine. Andrew Natsios, administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development, recently predicted the deaths of 320,000 people from hunger and disease absent "proper resources, access and security." UN agencies and nongovernmental organizations, such as Doctors Without Borders, report that far less humanitarian assistance than needed is flowing to the displaced as attacks against civilians continue. The trips made by Annan and Powell to the region were important, if belated, steps. So, too, is the planned deployment of a small contingent of African Union peacekeeping forces. Aid officials agree that only a dramatic and massive scale-up of the underfunded UN aid and monitoring activities as well as stronger pressure on Sudan by the U.S. and other Security Council members offer any hope of blunting yet another a major humanitarian and human rights catastrophe. While there was no need for another tragedy to justify implementing the United Nations' proposed genocide action plan, Darfur has showed that the current impotent international response must change. Only determined actions -- not simply words on paper -- can make genocide a shameful relic of the past. DR. SHERI FINK, a Detroit-area native who has provided humanitarian assistance in many areas of world conflict, is the author of "War Hospital, a True Story of Surgery and Survival" about the genocide in Srebrenica. Write to her in care of the Free Press Editorial Page, 600 W. Fort St., Detroit, MI 48226.

NYT 13 July 2004 L.I. Man Charged in Bias Assault of Sikh Leader By THOMAS J. LUECK Published: July 13, 2004 A Long Island man was charged with a hate crime yesterday in the beating of a Sikh man on a Queens sidewalk on Sunday, the police said. The suspect, Salvatore Maceli, 26, of Valley Stream, was one of several people involved in a confrontation with the Sikh, Rajinder Singh Khalsa Ji, 54, who was punched and kicked into unconsciousness, investigators said. Mr. Maceli, who is charged with assault, faces up to four years in prison if convicted under a 2000 state law that classifies racially and ethnically motivated assaults as hate crimes, and the police said others who participated in the attack may also be charged. Mr. Khalsa Ji, a limousine driver from Queens and a spiritual leader for Sikhs in New York City, had been walking with another Sikh man past a catering hall, Il Palazzo di Villa Russo, at Lefferts Boulevard and 101st Street in Richmond Hill, when the assault occurred. In interviews, Mr. Khalsa Ji and his companion, Singh Gurcharan, the owner of an Indian restaurant near the catering hall, said that Mr. Khalsa Ji's assailants were drunk, and that they ridiculed him for wearing a turban, calling it "dirty curtains." The incident underscored the vulnerability of Sikhs, who are natives of India and who wear turbans as a symbol of their religion. A police official who spoke on the condition of anonymity said yesterday that the attack was apparently precipitated by a group of women who had emerged from a christening ceremony at a catering hall. When they encountered Mr. Khalsa Ji and Mr. Gurcharan on the sidewalk, the women, who had been drinking, made disparaging remarks about the men's turbans, the official said. When the two men responded angrily, pointing out the religious significance of their turbans, word spread among men inside the catering hall that women in their party were being harassed, the police official said. Some of the men responded violently, with Mr. Maceli taking the lead in the assault, the official said. Mr. Gurcharan fled and escaped injury. Mr. Khalsa Ji was released yesterday from Jamaica Hospital Medical Center, where he was treated for cuts and a broken nose. Mr. Khalsa Ji's assailants fled in two cars, leaving him unconscious on the sidewalk, Mr. Gurcharan said.

AP 12 July 2004 Fire department bars book-burning CEDAR RAPIDS, Iowa (AP) -- A church's plan for an old-fashioned book-burning has been thwarted by city and county fire codes. Preachers and congregations throughout American history have built bonfires and tossed in books and other materials they believed offended God. The Rev. Scott Breedlove, pastor of The Jesus Church, wanted to rekindle that tradition in a July 28 ceremony where books, CDs, videos and clothing would have been thrown into the flames. Not so fast, city officials said. "We don't want a situation where people are burning rubbish as a recreational fire," said Brad Brenneman, the fire department's district chief. Linn County won't go for a fire outside city limits, either. Officials said the county's air quality division prohibits the transporting of materials from the city to the county for burning. Breedlove said a city fire inspector suggested shredding the offending material, but Breedlove said that wouldn't seem biblical. "I joked with the guy that St. Paul never had to worry about fire codes," Breedlove said. The new plan calls for members of the church to throw materials into garbage cans and then light candles to symbolically "burn" the material.

Wednesday, July 14, 2004 Book burning almost rears in Iowa Forget Michael Moore's film - perhaps someone ought to re-release "Fahrenheit 451." Yes, book burnings still are happening in 21st century America. This time, it came perilously close to Iowa City. Cedar Rapids' The Jesus Church had planned on July 28 to burn books, CDs, videos and clothing that the congregation finds offensive. Codes against burning rubbish and maintaining air quality prevented the church from going through with its plan, however. In Ray Bradbury's "Fahrenheit 451" - named for the temperature at which paper burns - firemen destroy books rather than put out fires. A commentary on intellectual freedom and the anti-Communist witch-hunts of the early 1950s, Bradbury's novel ironically is among the world's most banned books, though "Fahrenheit 451" later was turned into a successful and critically acclaimed movie. Half a century later, one should think book burnings had gone the way of Nazi Germany. But they remain quite common: A Greenville, Mich., church tossed Harry Potter books, Shania Twain CDs and Conehead movie videos into a bonfire last August. In December 2001, an Alamogordo, N.M., congregation burned Harry Potter and "Star Wars" books. Ditto on Potter a few months earlier outside Butler, Pa. The burnings, however, didn't stop at popular culture - in Greenville, The Book of Mormon also joined the bonfire. What can be done to end book burnings? Which precisely is the problem with book burning: Judgments over which books, CDs or videos is offensive inevitably leads to hateful acts against other religions and people - sometimes even against groups that share the burners' views about popular culture's decadence. During the early 1990s, Serb nationalists deliberately targeted libraries that contained Islamic manuscripts and documents. In the 1940s, some American school boards ordered John Steinbeck's "Grapes of Wrath" burned because it touted the poor man's cause. The Spaniards made a point of burning Mayan books during the 1500s to force one brand of Christianity upon the natives. The list goes on. But underlying every burning is the notion that Nazi Minister of Propaganda Joseph Goebbels so bluntly described: It "cleansed" the arts of dangerous ideas, created by dangerous people. Perhaps such obvious contradictions mark one reason that children often are encouraged to toss items into the flames that so violently lick the air. It is one thing as a parent to limit a child's access to questionable material; it is quite another to urge destruction of those items, and in doing so the heritage of the people who created them. We suggest that if an idea possesses merit, that in the free marketplace of ideas it will flourish. Of course, that demands every adult have the right to seek and receive information, from any point of view, without restriction. Perhaps our world would be less flawed if this truly were the case. A book burning in Iowa would have been a national embarrassment. That book burnings still occur in America when we're trying to foster democracy in Iraq and Afghanistan - countries that under the rule of Saddam Hussein and the Taliban held book burnings - certainly disgraces our history.

Indianapolis Star 15 July 2004 www.indystar.com/Tran Kim U.S. needs to join the team on international justice July 15, 2004 How has America gone from one of the most admired nations in the world to the most disliked? Veteran White House reporter and columnist Helen Thomas posed this question at a recent luncheon with Star editors, reporters and interns. The answer is simple: We're bad team players. Over the years, we have tended to dictate more than lead, expecting others to cooperate with us while refusing to offer the same courtesy to fellow nations. This is most evident by our refusal to become a member of the International Criminal Court. Set up under the 1998 Statute of Rome, it is the first permanent international institution created to try individuals for war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity, but it has jurisdiction only over citizens from countries that have signed and ratified the statute. Not only have we refused to ratify the statute, but by threatening to cut military aid, we are in effect forcing countries that have ratified it to not surrender Americans to the ICC. The Economist reported in 2003 that the U.S. has already coerced some 70 countries, representing 40 percent of the world's population, to sign these bilateral agreements. John Bolton, America's undersecretary for international security, was quoted as saying that America's ultimate goal was to arm-twist every country in the world into compliance. Is it any wonder that we are so disliked by other countries? Ironically, these measures are unnecessary. In the early 1990s when the ICC was being crafted, the United States took careful steps to ensure that the court would act justly toward every ratifying party by promoting three objectives: • The U.S. sought to work toward a conference that would result in a treaty. • It wanted the ICC to consider the level of American involvement in peace and security responsibilities. • The U.S. pushed for a system that gives national governments first dibs at investigating a situation that involves their citizens. This last objective means the United States would have the first opportunity to address any charges brought against an American. If it acts in good faith and addresses the violation, the case would never come before the ICC. So there is little basis for opponents contending that the ICC would bring bogus or frivolous charges against U.S. citizens. Those arguing that the U.S. does not need to join the ICC because its judicial system is structured to deal with humanitarian violations can also stop fretting. If the system works as well as they say, then Americans would never go before the ICC. Our absence from the ICC further affirms that Americans are diplomatic hypocrites. We are essentially saying that other countries need the ICC because their judicial systems are inadequate, and we are too good to be a part of it. Though we are the strongest country in the world, we are not the most courageous. By joining the ICC, we would be sending a strong message to every nation that we do respect international law and are not intimidated by the responsibilities of teamwork. We have little to lose and much to gain: polish our reputation and inspire other nations to follow our lead in creating a more just world. Kim is a Pulliam Fellow intern in the Editorial Page Department this summer

The Boston Globe Friday 16 July 2004 Kerry says U.S. ignores Sudan 'genocide' threat Patrick Healy He lambastes Bush in speech to NAACP PHILADELPHIA John Kerry has told a national gathering of black leaders and voters that President George W. Bush was ignoring "genocide" in Sudan and the AIDS pandemic, which Kerry called "the greatest moral crisis of our time." Kerry, the Democrats' presumptive presidential nominee, on Thursday also charged that his Republican rival, who skipped the convention of the National Associated for the Advancement of Colored People, "really seems to have a problem with the truth." Kerry portrayed Bush as having neglected the needs of downtrodden Americans and having overextended U.S. troops in Iraq in a way that hinders U.S. ability to intervene in such global hot spots as Sudan. Kerry also took aim at Bush's own identification as a born-again Christian, quoting a passage from the Bible that says that "faith without works is dead." Kerry and Bush have been locked in a war of words over "values" since the July Fourth weekend, when Kerry took a bus tour through the Midwest and said he shared the "conservative values" of many families there, including a personal belief that life begins at conception. Kerry has launched a campaign in recent days to woo African-American voters, a largely Democratic voting group, but one that often adheres to conservative social values. The Massachusetts senator pointedly criticized Bush administration policy toward Africa. On a day when UN officials estimated that hundreds of thousands of Sudanese may die in coming weeks because of lack of medical supplies, Kerry called for the United States, with the United Nations, to lead an "international humanitarian intervention" in the troubled region of Darfur, in the Sudan, where Arab militias have been killing and displacing villagers, driving some into neighboring Chad. "This administration must stop equivocating. Those government-sponsored atrocities should be called by their rightful name - genocide," Kerry said to cheers. "That is a lesson of Rwanda. That is a lesson of World War II. That is a lesson of time." The Bush campaign spokesman, Steve Schmidt, said Wednesday that Bush had been calling for an end to violence in Sudan, recently sent Secretary of State Colin Powell to the country, and had been working with African nations and UN members to halt the bloodshed. "John Kerry, meanwhile, is making his typical political attacks," Schmidt said. Kerry also argued that Bush wasn't acting aggressively enough to fight AIDS in Africa and worldwide. The president has announced a $15 billion program to prevent infection and treat patients in selected countries. Kerry pledged to double that amount, to $30 billion, and extend the initiative to more nations. "Fighting AIDS is the greatest moral obligation of our time: How can we possibly see the suffering of so many and just turn aside and do too little?" Kerry said. "And if we don't help, who will?" Kerry, who has been criticized by some black leaders for not energetically courting their base, hit on an array of hot-button issues from racial profiling to economically segregated public schools. He drew thunderous applause by recalling the 2000 presidential vote in Florida, where a number of African-American voters complained that their names were apparently struck from the rolls or were hindered in their voting by malfunctioning ballot machines. "Don't tell us that in the strongest democracy on Earth that a million disenfranchised African-Americans and the most tainted election in American history is the best that we can do," Kerry said.Dominating the African-American vote is a high priority for the Kerry campaign, particularly in such possible Southern swing states as Florida, Louisiana, and Arkansas, where the Democrats hope to build a coalition of moderates, working and middle class voters, as well as Roman Catholics and Jews.

BBC 16 July, 2004 Court boycott hits US aid budget US soldiers are safe in countries that have not ratified the ICC statute The US House of Representatives has voted to stop aid to countries that do not grant American soldiers immunity from prosecution for war crimes. The bill is aimed at the International Criminal Court, described by House leader Tom DeLay as a "kangaroo court". It adds tough financial penalties to a ban on military aid imposed last year. The ICC, which began operating in The Hague last year, can try individuals for war crimes committed after 1 July 2002 anywhere in the world. The US has signed immunity deals with 90 countries, but last month dropped a request for the UN to extend a two-year exemption for US personnel, because of lack of support. The legislation is part of a $19.4bn foreign aid bill for 2005 that must be adopted by the Senate and signed by President George W Bush before it becomes law. It is $1.9bn more than this year - but also $1.9bn short of Mr Bush's request. The bill also: cancels $25,000 in aid to US ally Saudi Arabia - triggering the loss of millions of dollars in discounts of military purchases and training offers $1.25bn to countries moving towards democratic reforms pledges $2.2bn to help fight Aids in Africa and other poor regions gives Sudan $311m to help the victims and refugees from the fighting in the western region of Darfur gives Pakistan, an ally in the US "war on terror," $300m and Poland - an ally of the US in Iraq - $66m. 'Mr Annan's court' The Republican-controlled House voted 241-166 to impose the new curbs. Mr DeLay, a Republican, described the ICC as "[UN Secretary General] Kofi Annan's kangaroo court" - a "shady idea... of laughable legitimacy". "The ICC presents a clear and present danger to the war on terror and to Americans that are fighting it all over the world," Mr DeLay said. But opponents of the bill said it would punish US allies, including Jordan, Turkey, South Africa, Kenya, Mexico and Peru. But the US does not recognise it , saying its forces could be subjected to politically-motivated prosecution.

Pasadena Star-News 16 July 2004 www.pasadenastarnews.com Schiff's genocide amendment threatened By Lisa Friedman Washington Bureau Friday, July 16, 2004 - A provision deploring the massacre of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire after World War I has run afoul of Republican leaders and the Bush administration, who are demanding it be stripped from a foreign-aid bill. The largely symbolic amendment by Rep. Adam Schiff, D- Pasadena, would forbid Turkey from using U.S. funds to lobby against a resolution designating the killing of 1.5 million Armenians between 1915 and 1923 as a genocide. The law already prohibits foreign governments from using American foreign aid to lobby. Schiff, however, acknowledged his real goal was to put the House on record as recognizing the Armenian Genocide. His amendment passed by voice vote late Thursday. House Speaker Dennis Hastert, R-Ill., reacted angrily Friday, issuing a statement belittling Schiff's provision. He and House Majority Leader Tom DeLay, R-Texas, and Majority Whip Roy Blunt, R-Mo., vowed the resolution will never see the light of day. "Our relationship with Turkey is too important to us to allow it to be in any way damaged by a poorly crafted and ultimately meaningless amendment,' Hastert said. Eliminating the amendment will likely avert a diplomatic crisis with Turkey, a NATO ally that is home to the strategic Incirlik Air Base. But the dispute also has provoked a furor in Southern California, home to more than 54,000 Armenian Americans. "We find it deeply offensive that these foreign officials would let a foreign nation impose its dictates on Congress,' said Armen Carapethian, spokesman for the Glendale- based Armenian National Committee of America, Western Region. "If we don't recognize past genocides, then future genocides will occur.' Armenians estimate more than 1.5 million died in a planned genocide campaign. Turkey has consistently denied the assertions, putting the number at about 300,000 and contending that thousands of Turks also died in what was a multiparty conflict during the last years of the Ottoman Empire. Hastert also was responsible for shelving an Armenian Genocide resolution in 2000. At the time, Turkey threatened not to renew the mandate for U.S. forces using the Incirlik Air Base to patrol what was then the no-fly zone in northern Iraq. Schiff noted Friday that Turkey's threats to France and other European nations that have recognized the genocide have not materialized, and said he isn't worried about retaliation. "Our relationship with Turkey will survive recognition of the Armenian Genocide,' Schiff said. Schiff said supporters of the amendment will fight to keep the language in the bill, which will be negotiated by House and Senate leaders.

JTA 16 July 2004 Jewish groups step up efforts to stop crisis developing in Sudan By Peter Ephross JULY 16, 2004 - NEW YORK (JTA) — It seems the phrase "never again" isn't just for the Holocaust anymore. In recent weeks, Jewish groups have stepped up their efforts to stop the government-sponsored killing of tens of thousands of black Muslims in Sudan. The efforts have come as world attention begins to focus on the crisis in Sudan, where hundreds of thousands of black Africans have fled their homes to escape violence. Late last month, President Bush made available up to $34 million for special refugee needs in Sudan and neighboring Chad, as well as the West Bank and Gaza Strip. U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell and the U.N.'s secretary-general, Kofi Annan, visited the Sudan refugee camps last week. After the visits, Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir promised he would reign in government-backed Arab militias and allow human rights observers into the disputed region of Darfur. But most observers are skeptical that the government will make good on its promises, and pressure on the Khartoum government is mounting. Most Jewish fund raising focuses on internal Jewish issues, such as support for Israel, Israeli victims of terrorism, local social services and the needs of Jewish communities around the world. But Nobel Peace Prize winner Elie Wiesel, who for several years has been trying to place the Sudan violence on the public agenda, said there's no reason Jews shouldn't focus on other people's problems too. "I do it as a Jew because I think Jews should be sensitive to other peoples as well," Wiesel said. "I cannot just live isolated." Ruth Messinger, president of the American Jewish World Service, agrees. "We're capable of taking positions and, frankly, we're capable of raising money for more than just one issue," Messinger said. These positions on Sudan increasingly are becoming public. This week, the Washington-area Jewish Community Council is hosting an interfaith vigil to protest the killings in Sudan. That comes on the heels of a protest last week at the Sudanese Embassy in Washington, co-sponsored by the Religious Action Center of Reform Judaism. "When genocidal activity is going on, Jews need to be at the forefront," Rabbi David Saperstein, the center's director, told JTA at the rally. "We've been the quintessential victims." Part of the motivation seems to be the feeling that Jewish groups didn't do enough the last time questions of genocide were raised, in Rwanda in 1994. "During both the Holocaust and Rwanda genocide, warnings were received and ignored," Jerry Fowler, staff director of the Committee on Conscience at the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum, wrote in an Op-Ed for The Washington Post after visiting a Sudanese refugee camp in Chad. "Today we say 'never again.' The question now is whether we will ignore warnings while the Africans of Darfur perish and then —once again — say 'never again,' "he said. On June 24, the Holocaust museum stopped all its activities for 30 minutes to draw attention to the Sudan crisis. The museum now features information about the situation in Sudan on its Internet home page. Some may be surprised that the Holocaust museum is involved in drawing attention to other mass killings, but it's part of the museum's mission, Fowler said in an interview. "One way that we honor the memory that we're preserving is by trying to have an effect on the world that we live in," he said. As public efforts have stepped up, so have behind-the-scenes moves aimed at humanitarian relief. The Jewish Disaster Relief Coalition, made up of some 45 Jewish groups across the political and religious spectrum, set up a mailbox for humanitarian relief for Sudanese facing homelessness and starvation in the camps, after they were chased from their homes by Arab Muslim marauders armed by the government. The coalition's efforts were spurred by the American Jewish World Service, which convened a meeting of the coalition a few months ago. The World Service supports humanitarian and economic projects, mainly in the developing world. At that time, coalition members weren't ready to take a stand on the issue, Messinger said. Part of the problem may have been lack of understanding about the complex situation in Sudan. The country has been in upheaval for two decades as a result of civil war between Muslims in the north and Christians and animists in the south. An estimated 2 million people died in the fighting, which began in 1983 and subsided a bit only earlier this year. Last year, more violence broke out after the Sudanese government exploited ethnic tensions in Darfur, a western region of the country. Nomadic Arab tribes long have been in conflict with their African farming neighbors over Darfur's water and arable land. The tensions exploded after two African rebel groups took up arms against the government in February 2003 over what they regarded as unjust government treatment in their struggle with Arab countrymen. At least 30,000 people have been killed in the revolt, which has precipitated a refugee problem. The government denies that it has supplied arms and encouraged violence, but there are widespread reports by witnesses of government airplanes and helicopter gunships backing the militias, known as janjaweed, or horsemen. After members of the Jewish disaster relief coalition learned more about Sudan — in part from increased media attention — they decided to take action. In addition to what some individual groups had collected, the coalition, through its mailbox at the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, had collected $11,000 as of last week. The amount raised is minuscule compared to the sums raised for emergency campaigns for Israel. But those involved in the Sudan campaign say the issue shouldn't be ignored. "If the message of the Holocaust is 'never again' when it comes to genocide, it means 'never again,' " said Reva Price, Washington director for the Jewish Council for Public Affairs, an umbrella organization for local community relations councils. "We have to get that right.'' Money for Sudanese refugees can be sent via the Internet at www.jcdr.org or by mail to JDC: Jewish Coalition for Sudan Relief, Box 321, 847A Second Ave., New York, N.Y. 10017. Justin Bosch is an intern in Washington. See Israel

NYT 17 July 2004 OP-ED COLUMNIST Jesus and Jihad By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF If the latest in the "Left Behind" series of evangelical thrillers is to be believed, Jesus will return to Earth, gather non-Christians to his left and toss them into everlasting fire: "Jesus merely raised one hand a few inches and a yawning chasm opened in the earth, stretching far and wide enough to swallow all of them. They tumbled in, howling and screeching, but their wailing was soon quashed and all was silent when the earth closed itself again." These are the best-selling novels for adults in the United States, and they have sold more than 60 million copies worldwide. The latest is "Glorious Appearing," which has Jesus returning to Earth to wipe all non-Christians from the planet. It's disconcerting to find ethnic cleansing celebrated as the height of piety. If a Muslim were to write an Islamic version of "Glorious Appearing" and publish it in Saudi Arabia, jubilantly describing a massacre of millions of non-Muslims by God, we would have a fit. We have quite properly linked the fundamentalist religious tracts of Islam with the intolerance they nurture, and it's time to remove the motes from our own eyes. In "Glorious Appearing," Jesus merely speaks and the bodies of the enemy are ripped open. Christians have to drive carefully to avoid "hitting splayed and filleted bodies of men and women and horses." "The riders not thrown," the novel continues, "leaped from their horses and tried to control them with the reins, but even as they struggled, their own flesh dissolved, their eyes melted and their tongues disintegrated. . . . Seconds later the same plague afflicted the horses, their flesh and eyes and tongues melting away, leaving grotesque skeletons standing, before they, too, rattled to the pavement." One might have thought that Jesus would be more of an animal lover. These scenes also raise an eschatological problem: Could devout fundamentalists really enjoy paradise as their friends, relatives and neighbors were heaved into hell? As my Times colleague David Kirkpatrick noted in an article, this portrayal of a bloody Second Coming reflects a shift in American portrayals of Jesus, from a gentle Mister Rogers figure to a martial messiah presiding over a sea of blood. Militant Christianity rises to confront Militant Islam. This matters in the real world, in the same way that fundamentalist Islamic tracts in Saudi Arabia do. Each form of fundamentalism creates a stark moral division between decent, pious types like oneself — and infidels headed for hell. No, I don't think the readers of "Glorious Appearing" will ram planes into buildings. But we did imprison thousands of Muslims here and abroad after 9/11, and ordinary Americans joined in the torture of prisoners at Abu Ghraib in part because of a lack of empathy for the prisoners. It's harder to feel empathy for such people if we regard them as infidels and expect Jesus to dissolve their tongues and eyes any day now. I had reservations about writing this column because I don't want to mock anyone's religious beliefs, and millions of Americans think "Glorious Appearing" describes God's will. Yet ultimately I think it's a mistake to treat religion as a taboo, either in this country or in Saudi Arabia. I often write about religion precisely because faith has a vast impact on society. Since I've praised the work that evangelicals do in the third world (Christian aid groups are being particularly helpful in Sudan, at a time when most of the world has done nothing about the genocide there), I also feel a responsibility to protest intolerance at home. Should we really give intolerance a pass if it is rooted in religious faith? Many American Christians once read the Bible to mean that African-Americans were cursed as descendants of Noah's son Ham, and were intended by God to be enslaved. In the 19th century, millions of Americans sincerely accepted this Biblical justification for slavery as God's word — but surely it would have been wrong to defer to such racist nonsense simply because speaking out could have been perceived as denigrating some people's religious faith. People have the right to believe in a racist God, or a God who throws millions of nonevangelicals into hell. I don't think we should ban books that say that. But we should be embarrassed when our best-selling books gleefully celebrate religious intolerance and violence against infidels. That's not what America stands for, and I doubt that it's what God stands for.

IRIN 23 Jul 2004 US Congress unanimously defines Darfur violence as "genocide" [This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations] NAIROBI, 23 Jul 2004 (IRIN) - The US Congress on Thursday unanimously passed a resolution declaring the human rights abuses in western Sudan's Darfur region as "genocide". By a vote of 422 to zero, the House of Representatives, with "the Senate concurring", passed the resolution, which stated that the violence appeared to be particularly directed at a specific group based on their ethnicity and appeared to be systemised, Agence France Presse reported. The resolution also reportedly urged the US government to call the atrocities by their "rightful" name and "to seriously consider multilateral or even unilateral intervention to prevent genocide should the United Nations Security Council fail to act". The Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide - to which the US is a signatory - obliges the UN to act to prevent genocide. The convention defines genocide as acts "committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, racial or religious group". Such acts include killing; causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of a group; and deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about the physical destruction of a group in whole or in part. Ten years ago, the Clinton administration was heavily criticised because it failed to recognise the Rwandan genocide as such, while about 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were being slaughtered. John Prendergast, the special adviser to the president of the International Crisis Group, told IRIN on Thursday that new evidence suggested that Khartoum's role in genocide in Darfur was now indisputable. "The government's complicity is no longer in doubt, thus meeting the conditions as outlined in the Genocide Convention for culpability in this greatest of crimes." The Sudanese government has admitted backing the Janjawid militias to fight a rebellion in Sudan, but has repeatedly denied any responsibility for the atrocities committed by them including ethnic cleansing and genocide. Khartoum's ambassador in Washington, Khidr Harun Ahmad, said on Thursday that the Sudan Campaign - an umbrella of organisations and individuals - in the US was dramatising the situation in Darfur in an election year "to take advantage of their suffering and plight to get elected or attract attention". He accused the US of trying to destabilise "a relatively stable nation", saying "it's like pitting a heavyweight champion against a child". "Congress has the chance to resolve the conflict in Darfur by joining hands with the government of Sudan and the international community to consolidate the measures taken by the government." "Mounting pressure and bashing" can only lead to a failed state that is the largest in Africa, he added. In a joint press conference in New York on Thursday with UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, US Secretary of State Colin Powell reiterated that the US government was "examining very carefully" whether the ongoing violence against civilians in Darfur constituted genocide, but did not specify when such a determination might be made. He added that the genocide debate was "almost beside the point". "The point is that we need to fix the security problem, the humanitarian problem. Whatever you call it, it's a catastrophe. People are dying at an increasing rate." The government had created the Janjawid so it was able to get rid of them, he continued: "Since they turned it on, they can turn it off." The question was whether there was "enough incentive for them to turn it off. And we're making it very clear to them that there will be consequences if it is not turned off," he warned. But other Sudan watchers say the genocide debate is of utmost importance, because of the legal imperative to act and in the light of inaction during previous genocides, such as that of Rwanda. "The debate does indeed matter, because of the implications for punishing the crime, as is called for in the convention," said Prendergast.

Reuters 24 July 2004 Bush resists Sudan "genocide" action By Saul Hudson (Reuters) - July 24 2004 2:59 WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The Bush administration has resisted calls to declare Arab militia attacks on African villagers in Sudan genocide, a label that would pressure the United States to do more to stop the violence. A decade after the international community reacted too late to stop genocide in Rwanda, in part because it misjudged the extent of the atrocities, Washington is again being criticised for failing to save tribal groups in the continent's biggest nation. The U.S. Congress passed a resolution on Thursday declaring killings, rape and pillage by horseback militia in Sudan's Darfur region genocide and urging U.S. President George W. Bush to seek a U.N. force to protect villagers. But despite weeks of investigating and a trip to the area by Secretary of State Colin Powell last month, the Bush administration said it still did not have proof of genocide in a conflict that the United Nations says has already killed tens of thousands of people. In 15 months of fighting, Arab nomads, known as the Janjaweed, have driven non-Arab farmers from their villages in an extension of a long conflict over farmland and grazing, according to the United States, the United Nations and rights groups. Washington says it has collected enough evidence to say the violence approaches genocide and it has accused the government of backing a militia campaign to raze villages, poison water supplies and destroy crops. But asked if the killings could be called genocide now, State Department spokesman Richard Boucher said attention on Darfur should be on helping victims rather than putting a label on the violence. "That's where the focus has to be placed," he said. "We'll certainly take the views of the Congress into account as we proceed in this work," he said, referring to Thursday's resolution. "RWANDA IN SLOW MOTION" Eric Reeves, who has monitored the Darfur crisis, criticised the U.S. response as slow and applauded Thursday's congressional declaration. He hoped it would prompt the Bush administration to say the violence is genocide and press for the 10,000 troops he estimates are needed in the crisis. "This is Rwanda in slow motion," said Reeves, from Smith College in Massachusetts. "It's the same mistakes, it's just that this time there is more time to make the mistakes." In 1994, Hutus killed 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Tutsis in 100 days in Rwanda and former President Bill Clinton later apologised for failing to recognise the crime of genocide. Under the U.N. genocide convention, the United States is already obliged to try to prevent such violence but the convention does not stipulate what should be done, leaving it for signatories to take "appropriate" action. Still, the genocide label's emotional charge and inevitable comparisons to the inaction over Rwanda could galvanise the United States and other nations, none of whom have said the world's worst humanitarian disaster involves genocide. The United States has been circulating a draft resolution at the United Nations threatening international sanctions against Sudan. But while rights and aid groups worry the measure is too weak, several nations on the Security Council have been reluctant to support the sanctions provision for fear of losing cooperation from Khartoum to rein in the militia. Washington has led international efforts to pressure Sudan to curb the militia but with troops already in Iraq and Afghanistan, the United States has stopped short of pushing for a force for Sudan. Instead, it has focused on drawing attention to Darfur and pressed Sudan through the United Nations to stop the militia.

washingtonpost.com 24 July 2004 Editorial An Army Whitewash Saturday, July 24, 2004; Page A20 THE ARMY'S attempt to hold itself accountable for the abuse of foreign prisoners is off to a terrible start. On Thursday, while the media and political worlds were focused on the report of the Sept. 11 commission, the Army inspector general released a 300-page summary of an investigation of "detainee operations" in Iraq and Afghanistan. Though it identified 94 cases of confirmed or possible abuse, including 20 prisoner deaths, the probe concluded by sounding the defense offered up by the Pentagon ever since the photographs from Abu Ghraib prison were published: that the crimes did not result from Army policy and were not the fault of senior commanders but were "unauthorized actions taken by a few individuals." This conclusion is contradicted by the independent investigations and reports of the International Committee of the Red Cross, by an earlier Army investigation undertaken before the scandal became public, and by testimony given to Congress. Oddly, it doesn't even square with some of the findings buried in the inspector general's own report, which confirm that commanders in Iraq and Afghanistan ordered "high-risk" interrogation procedures to be used on prisoners without adequate safeguards, training or regard for the Geneva Conventions. No matter: The report effectively communicates the strategy of the military brass on the detainee affair, which is to focus blame on a few low-ranking personnel, shield all senior commanders from accountability, and deny or bury any facts that interfere with these aims. In that sense, the signal it sends to Congress is clear: The Pentagon cannot be counted on to reliably or thoroughly investigate the prisoner abuse affair. An independent probe by an outside authority is desperately needed. To the credit of Chairman John W. Warner (R-Va.), the Senate Armed Services Committee quickly assembled for a hearing on the Army report, despite the not-so-subtle timing of its release, and some Republican as well as Democratic senators rightly voiced incredulity at the Army's findings. They pointed out that, while identifying no "systemic failures" in the military, the inspector general's team chose not to investigate such episodes as the hiding of "ghost detainees" from the Red Cross -- a Geneva Convention violation that Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld has publicly stated was authorized by him. Nor did the investigation explore the handling of Red Cross reports by the staff of the Iraq commander in chief, Lt. Gen. Ricardo S. Sanchez -- which, rather than acting to stop abuses, reportedly tried to restrict further Red Cross access. In fact, no one above the rank of brigade commander was considered culpable, the inspector general candidly told the senators. "We think it ended there," said Lt. Gen. Paul T. Mikolashek. Really? That's hard to square with the general's own report, which says that top U.S. commanders in Iraq and Afghanistan, under pressure to collect more intelligence, "published high risk [interrogation] policies that presented a significant risk of misapplication if not trained and executed carefully." Yet "not all interrogators were trained," "some inspected units were unaware of the correct command policy," and some officers "with no training in interrogation techniques began conducting their own interrogation sessions." Moreover, some of the techniques set forth by Gen. Sanchez and other senior commanders previously had been approved only for "unlawful combatants" held at Guantanamo Bay. That "appears to contradict the terms of" the Pentagon's own legal judgments, which said some interrogation methods permissible at Guantanamo could not be used in Iraq. All this -- and yet, purportedly, there were no failures of policy, and responsibility ended at the level of a lieutenant colonel, or a reserve one-star general. The senators who rejected this whitewash were correct: It is implausible and unacceptable. If the reputation and integrity of the Army are to be restored, some other authority will need to do better.

Pasadena Star-News 25 July 2004 www.pasadenastarnews.com Kerry vows to recognize Armenian genocide By Lisa Friedman Washington Bureau Sunday, July 25, 2004 - Presidential candidate John Kerry has promised to formally recognize the Armenian genocide if he is elected. But Presidents George W. Bush, Bill Clinton and George H.W. Bush all made similar vows as candidates then once inside the White House opposed resolutions acknowledging genocide. Still, in interviews with Armenian Americans across Southern California and elsewhere, hopes for the Massachusetts Democrat ran high. "I think we might expect something different from candidate Kerry,' said Peter Balakian, author of "The Burning Tigris: The Armenian Genocide and America's Response.' "He spent his whole life immersed in the Armenian community,' Balakian said, noting that Massachusetts is home to about 30,000 Armenian Americans. "This is a candidate with a great depth of knowledge on this history.' Armenians contend the Ottoman Empire began a centrally planned slaughter in 1915 under cover of World War I in which about 1.5 million Armenians were killed. Turkey insists that number is inflated, and that Armenians died along with thousands of Turks as the result of crushing a mass uprising against the Ottoman Empire. Reluctant to alienate Turkey, a valued U.S. ally, American presidents have traditionally taken a middle road describing the casualties as "massacres' but stopping short of using the term "genocide' and opposing resolutions acknowledging a genocide. The opposition cuts across party lines. Currently the Bush administration and House Republican leaders are demanding an amendment by Rep. Adam Schiff, D-Pasadena, recognizing the genocide, be stripped from a foreign aid bill. But in 2000 it was President Clinton who blocked a genocide resolution by then-Rep. James Rogan, R-Glendale, from coming to the House floor. "It seems to be a nonpartisan issue. It's more about the State Department and the White House not having the courage to exercise its moral leadership,' Balakian said. Scholars and activists said they are pinning new hopes on Kerry largely because he voted in favor of Sen. Bob Dole's genocide resolution in 1990 and is co-sponsoring a Senate version of a resolution acknowledging the genocide. "He has a long record of supporting issues of concern to the Armenian-American community, and he comes from a state where Armenian Americans have been since the early 20th century, so there's some history there,' said Armen Carapetian, a spokesman for the Armenian National Committee of America's Western Region in Glendale. Added Seto Boyadian, who heads the Armenian National Committee of America's San Gabriel chapter: "As long as he has been in public life, he has always supported the genocide resolution. He's committed. He's on the record.' Others, of course, are skeptical that Kerry, whom critics have long accused of flip-flopping on issues, will stand firm. "The Democrats need the Armenian votes to regain their political power. If elected, Kerry and his ilk will forget about the Armenians and their genocide the next day,' Saakyan Gayane of Glendale wrote in an e-mail. Even those pinning their hopes on Kerry said they would not be surprised if he changed his tune once elected. "We know what pressures he will face on this issue. Those are real pressures. The State Department won't change its tune,' Carapetian said. Added Garbis Hindoyan, who heads the Armenian National Committee of America's East Valley chapter in Van Nuys, "We hope if he's elected, Kerry will keep his word. "On the other hand,' he said, "we will not be shocked if he does what Bill Clinton and George Bush did.'

washingtonpost.com 25 July 2004 Mr. Powell's Mistake Sunday, July 25, 2004; Page B06 LIKE A MAN WHO sees a child drowning and won't plunge in to save him, the world is failing Darfur, the western Sudanese province where more than a million civilians have been driven from their homes by the government and its militia allies. The failure is most glaring in the case of France, which acknowledges "the world's most serious humanitarian crisis" and calls for "the mobilization of the international community," as the French ambassador wrote recently to The Post. Despite maintaining a military base in neighboring Chad and another in Djibouti, France refuses to supply the United Nations relief operation with needed helicopters or to enforce a no-fly zone that could end the Sudanese military's aerial attacks on villagers. But no powerful nation is free of blame. The Bush administration, which has been generous with relief and which has led the charge for tough action at the United Nations, is guilty of equivocation too. The equivocation hinges on the question of who must restore peace in Darfur. On Thursday Secretary of State Colin L. Powell offered his answer: "The burden for this, for providing security, rests fully on the shoulders of Sudan's government." This view conveniently absolves outsiders of responsibility for getting a civilian protection force into Darfur and reassures Security Council members such as China and Russia that Sudan's sovereignty will be respected. But it is naive. Sudan's government has attacked civilians with helicopter gunships. It has armed a militia that burns villages, slaughtering the men and raping the women. It has spent months obstructing humanitarian access to the resulting refugee camps, denying aid workers visas and impounding their equipment in customs, condemning tens of thousands of people to die for lack of food and medicine. Even the recent ramping up of diplomatic pressure, which has allowed relief to flow more freely, has not distracted Sudan's government from its purpose. Its commandants have been closing down refugee camps and sending inhabitants off into the torched countryside, where there is no food, no protection and no foreign witnesses. Asking a government like this to provide security in Darfur is like calling upon Slobodan Milosevic to protect Albanian Kosovars. The real solution is the reverse of the one Mr. Powell appears to believe in. Rather than summoning Sudan's government into Darfur to protect refugees, the United States should be calling upon the government to pull back from the region. Just as was the case in Kosovo, security in Darfur is going to require a foreign presence, preferably an African one that builds on the small African Union observer mission that is already in the region. Mr. Powell may fear that calling for such a force is risky: What if no Africans come forward, and the job of peacekeeping falls to the United States? But the secretary must weigh that risk against the opposite one. What if Sudan's government maintains control of Darfur and uses it to exterminate hundreds of thousands of people?

washingtonpost.com 25 July 2004 The Plague Years Reviewed by Lisa Keen Sunday, July 25, 2004; Page BW04 THE INVISIBLE PEOPLE How the U.S. Has Slept Through the Global AIDS Pandemic, the Greatest Humanitarian Catastrophe of Our Time By Greg Behrman. Free Press. 352 pp. $25 Greg Behrman's assessment of America's response to the global AIDS pandemic is reminiscent of Randy Shilts's 1988 bestseller, And the Band Played On. Where Shilts traced the shortcomings of the federal government's response to AIDS in the United States in the 1980s, Behrman documents its failures on other continents, particularly Africa. In The Invisible People, Behrman sees the United States of a few years ago as a country in a daze of denial brought on by enjoyment of its own affluence and resistance to the onslaught of bad news -- from genocide in Rwanda to the incomprehensible numbers of people dead from AIDS. "Consumed with an explosion of wealth, encamped in 'virtual' communities, awash in frivolous entertainment and a dizzying sea of technology, and smug in its seemingly impregnable might," Behrman writes, the United States in the 1990s was caught up in "an insular, frivolous and apathetic epoch." Behrman examines various entities that could have helped, but his primary focus is on the federal government. Just as Shilts accused the government of failing to act aggressively against the epidemic at home due to the unpopularity of the groups most affected early on, so Behrman charges with regard to our global response. "The historical record is highly unlikely to reveal any instances of policy makers opposing engagement in the issue because black Africans were dying," he writes. "Rather, there was simply less of an impetus to move policy because it was black Africans who were dying." But it was more complicated than that, as Behrman goes on to make clear. The United States was growing numb to the skyrocketing numbers of AIDS cases on its own turf. Meanwhile, the end of the Cold War had diminished Africa's strategic importance, and the United States had begun scaling back its foreign aid to the continent. And all the news from Africa seemed to be about famine and civil war; the AIDS crisis was just another "part of one long, uninterrupted narrative of death and suffering in a faraway land." But where Shilts's book tended to see the key players as good or bad, Behrman tries to see both good and bad in everyone. He paints former Sen. Jesse Helms as a formidable obstacle to efforts to send U.S. dollars to Africa, but then credits him with a complete change of heart in his last term that led him to promote a $500-million commitment to combat mother-to-child transmission of HIV in that continent. Behrman casts former president Clinton in a harsh light, characterizing him as "responsive, engaged, and in agreement" that the United States should do all it could to help fight AIDS in Africa, but unwilling "to expend one dime of political capital to move U.S. policy" until after he left the White House. As for the current President Bush, Behrman says that, early on, he "had little appetite for the issue." But in short order he lavishes praise on Bush for proposing an "Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief" that calls for the United States to spend $15 billion over five years for treatment and care of Africans with HIV. "With one dramatic and unexpected stroke," Behrman writes, "President Bush had punctured the bubble of U.S. abdication and inaction that had engulfed the country throughout the twenty-year history of the pandemic's flight." Not everyone will see things Behrman's way; that's politics. And there are weaknesses in his methodology and thoroughness of coverage. He lays considerable blame for the early American lack of interest in Africa at the feet of President Reagan's assistant secretary of Health and Human Services, Ed Brandt Jr., but did not interview Brandt. Nor did he interview senior HHS official Gregory Pappas, yet he passes along a "third-hand account" of a scandalous rumor that Pappas allegedly conveyed to a relatively unknown AIDS activist. Behrman's involvement in writing a report on "Improving U.S. Global AIDS Policy" for the Council on Foreign Relations Roundtable has given him a meaningful vantage point. And he shares with Shilts a passion for investigating the government's failure to act decisively when it had the resources to save so many lives. He clearly cares about people with HIV, particularly those in Africa. (His publicist's Web site indicates that Behrman will be donating "all the proceeds" from the book to a nonprofit organization in South Africa that cares for children orphaned by AIDS.) But the book may be too late and too far ahead of its time: Its likely readers will be people who already care and those, in the distant future, who seek to answer a question that Washington Post editorial writer Sebastian Mallaby posed almost two years ago: "How could our rich and civilized society allow a known and beatable enemy to kill millions of people?" • Lisa Keen, an award-winning journalist who covered AIDS for the Washington Blade for almost 20 years, is a freelance writer and co-author of "Strangers to the Law: Gay People on Trial."

Committee on Conscience of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum 26 July 2004 www.ushmm.org/conscience. UNITED STATES HOLOCAUST MEMORIAL MUSEUM DECLARES “GENOCIDE EMERGENCY” IN SUDAN Museum to Open Display on Darfur July 26, 2004 WASHINGTON, DC — For the first time in its history, the Committee on Conscience of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum today declared a “genocide emergency,” saying that genocide is imminent or is actually happening in the Darfur region of Sudan. “We began warning about the threat of genocide in Darfur at the beginning of this year,” said Committee on Conscience Chairman Tom A. Bernstein. “That threat is now becoming reality.” Estimates of the current death toll range from 50,000 to more than 100,000, with the likelihood that hundreds of thousands more will die in coming months because of direct violence and “conditions of life” deliberately inflicted on targeted groups by the Sudanese government and its militia allies. The victims are largely members of the Fur, Zaghawa and Masaalit ethnic groups, considered in Darfur to be “Africans.” Under the United Nations Genocide Convention, adopted in 1948, in the wake of the Holocaust, nations vow to “undertake to prevent and punish the crime of genocide.” Genocide is defined as certain acts, when committed “with intent to destroy” a targeted group, in whole or in part. The specified acts include killing members of a group, causing severe bodily and mental harm and deliberately inflicting on a group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction, in whole or in part. “We take a very conservative approach to the definition of genocide,” said Jerry Fowler, staff director of the Museum’s Committee on Conscience, who visited refugee camps in Chad in May and collected testimonies from refugees who had fled Darfur. “We don’t use the term lightly. But the situation clearly has reached the point now where that term is appropriate. The U.S., the U.N. and other countries must now act to stop this genocidefrom going further. And then they need to punish those responsible.” Fowler pointed to the Sudanese government’s responsibility for the large number of Darfurians now perishing and likely to die in the coming months. “By hindering and slowing access for the international relief assistance that the displaced require for survival and failing to rein in their janjaweed allies,” he said,“the Khartoum government and its proxies are directly responsible for the increasing deaths from malnutrition, lack of clean water and related diseases.” The U.S. Agency for International Development predicted in April that 350,000 or more people would be dead by the end of the year. More recent assessments by independent aid groups suggest that this estimate may be conservative. The Holocaust Memorial Museum’s Committee on Conscience first issued a “genocide warning” for Sudan in Fall 2000, based on government actions in the southern part of the country. Intensive diplomatic efforts by the U.S. and other countries resulted in an end to attacks on civilians and access for international relief efforts, and have brought that conflict close to resolution. The conflict in Darfur began in early 2003. The Committee on Conscience reiterated its genocide warnings for Sudan in January and April of this year, and on June 24, the Museum took the extraordinary step of suspending normal operations for 30 minutes to focus attention on Darfur. Senators Sam Brownback and Jon Corzine, and Rep. Donald Payne joined a Holocaust Survivor and member of the Darfurian community-in-exile in a special program in the Museum’s Hall of Witness to bring attention to the crisis. In addition to the “genocide emergency” declaration, on August 2the Museum will open a display, “Who Will Survive Today? Genocide Emergency: Darfur, Sudan,” to help visitors understand the situation in Darfur. Mandated by Congress, the Holocaust Memorial Museum is America’s national memorial to the Holocaust. A public-private partnership that has welcomed 21 million visitors, the Museum brings the history and lessons of the Holocaust to the nation through educational outreach, teacher training, traveling exhibitions, and scholarship. The Committee on Conscience guides the Museum’s efforts to educate about, prevent and respond to contemporary genocide. For more information, visit www.ushmm.org/conscience. Jerry Fowler (202) 314-7899 jfowler@ushmm.org For more information, visit www.ushmm.org/conscience/sudan/dafur/

Asia-Pacific

Bangladesh

www.thedailystar.net 11 July 2004 Committed to PEOPLE'S RIGHT TO KNOW Vol. 5 Num 46 Sun. July 11, 2004 Front Page Liberation War History Authentication body members blame ministry for distortion Star Report Members of the authentication committee of the 15-volume 'Bangladesher Swadhinota Juddho -- Dolilpatro' (Documents of Liberation War of Bangladesh) have accused the Liberation War ministry and its minister of distorting historical facts in reprinting the book, which the minister denies. It has been accused that in the new edition of the Dolilpatro published by the ministry historical facts have been warped by adding a chapter on the proclamation of Bangladesh's independence. The reprint omits the original proclamation of independence through a message signed by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and contains an inserted text that names late president Ziaur Rahman as the first proclaimer. The planted information was totally absent in the first edition of the Dolilpatro, product of a project initiated by Zia himself. The book first came out in 1982 with noted poet and journalist Hasan Hafizur Rahman as its editor. Members of that original editorial team also have termed the addition a distortion. The authentication committee formed in late 2002 held several meetings to reprint the book with necessary corrections of information and spelling errors. The committee members are Prof Moniruzzaman Miah, Prof Emaj Uddin Ahmed, Prof KM Mohsin, Prof Serajul Islam, Prof Abul Kalam Monjoor Morshed, Barrister Mainul Hosein, Prof Jasim Uddin, Prime Minister's Principal Secretary Dr Kamal Siddique and State Minister of Liberation War Affairs Prof M Rezaul Karim. Rezaul Karim says the 'new facts' emerged from the 'opinions' of the nine-member authentication committee comprising historians and academics. "We had no intention of belittling or glorifying anybody but to remain authentic and purely based on facts," he said yesterday. He claimed all the necessary 'corrections and inclusions' have been made upon the committee's approval. Prof Emaj Uddin Ahmed, former vice-chancellor of Dhaka University and a member of the committee, on the other hand, refuted the minister's claim and blamed him, as the convenor of the committee, and the project director for the changes. He said the text on proclamation of independence by Ziaur Rahman incorporated in the third volume of the book, popularly known as Muktijudder Dolilpatro (documents of Liberation War), "was not a part of the original edition of the Dolilpatro. Those were included either by the minister or the project director." "Please see the resolution of the validation committee to find the truth," challenges Emaj Uddin, who has long held a key position in BNP's Zia Parishad. Project director of the publication, Abbas Ali Mia, declined to comment on the issue, saying, "I was not a member of this committee." The section that had been added to the third volume of the official history of Bangladesh's Liberation War is titled 'The First Proclamation of Independence by Major Zia'. The section cites Biplobi Betar Kendro (revolutionary radio centre), Chittagong on March 27, 1971 as the source of information. But, in the footnote, it said, "At 2:15am on March 26, 1971, the Eighth East Bengal Regiment led by the then Major Ziaur Rahman mutinied and Major Zia arrested Lt Col Zanjua, commanding officer of the regiment. He (Zia) then united the battalion officers, junior commissioned officers and privates, and announced the independence. It was communicated to local politicians and officials of the administration." The quoted 'proclamation of independence' by Zia in the book reads, "Dear fellow freedom fighters, I, Major Ziaur Rahman, Provisional President and Commander-in-Chief of Liberation Army do hereby proclaim independence of Bangladesh and appeal for joining our liberation struggle. Bangladesh is independent. We have waged war for the liberation of Bangladesh. Everybody is requested to participate in the liberation war with whatever we have. We will have to fight and liberate the country from the occupation of Pakistan Army. Inshallah, victory is ours." The reprint omitted the EPR (East Pakistan Rifles) message sent by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, which said, "This may be my last message, from today Bangladesh is independent. I call upon the people of Bangladesh, wherever you might be and with whatever you have, to resist the army of occupation to the last. Your fight must go on until the last solider of the Pakistan occupation army is expelled from the soil of Bangladesh and final victory is achieved." According to the information handed out in the chapter, the authentication committee at a meeting on June 9 last decided to include Ziaur Rahman's proclamation of independence and discard Mujib's EPR message. The committee has been quoted as maintaining that the EPR message was not based on fact and no authenticity of it was found. The explanatory note quoted former Indian prime minister Indira Gandhi as saying, "The cry for independence arose after Sheikh Mujib had been arrested and not before. He himself, so far as I know, has not asked for independence even now" in favour of discarding Mujib's message, as the call was given after his arrest, not before. Noted journalist Afsan Chowdhury, a member of the authentication committee of the book's first edition, termed the added text a blatant distortion of history. In the first edition, both the proclamation of independence by Ziaur Rahman and the telegraph message of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman were documented as historical facts. He said, "We had collected facts and documents from different districts and there was no controversy on it during the last 10 years." He apprehended the compilation of documents would lose trustworthiness if any quarter tries to falsify the facts. "People would not trust it. It will also encourage other governments to twist facts." Chowdhury observed Zia had announced the independence on behalf of Sheikh Mujib, which is completely omitted in this latest edition. The second edition of the Dolilpatro, however, printed Zia's proclamation as the second announcement of independence, which is as follows: "I, Major Zia, Provisional Commander-in-Chief of the Bangladesh Liberation Army, hereby proclaim, on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the independence of Bangladesh. "I also declare, we have already framed a sovereign, legal Government under Sheikh Mujibur Rahman which pledges to function as per law and the constitution. The new democratic government is committed to a policy of non-alignment in international relations. It will seek friendship with all nations and strive for international peace. I appeal to all governments to mobilise public opinion in their respective countries against the brutal genocide in Bangladesh. "The government under Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is sovereign legal Government of Bangladesh and is entitled to recognition from all democratic nations of the world."

The New Nation, Bangladesh 11 July 2004 nation.ittefaq.com Gen Moin says: Bangladesh is not a failed state By BSS, Dhaka Jul 11, 2004, 10:21 Email this article Printer friendly page Former advisor to the caretaker government Major General (retd) Moinul Hossain Chowdhury, Bir Bikram has said that some intellectuals and journalists were trying to create a smokescreen in society through propagating an idea that 'Bangladesh is a failed state'. "Influenced by the doctrine of Chanaikya, these people are doing the job just to overexpose their talents," he told BSS in an exclusive interview at his residence here. General Moin, a valiant freedom fighter, said that state is a political representation of a nation, and when a state fails, a nation also become ineffective. Bangladesh had never become any of the two, he pointed out. Moinul Hossain, a former ambassador, said Bangladesh never faced any major threat from domestic or external enemies since its independence in 1971. Rather, he said, the successive governments kept the culture of the nation safer. "As an independent nation, we have progressed a lot." Moin referred to a CIA report during President Clinton's time and said the report identified 33 'weak' states in the world, and Bangladesh was not included in that. The report, done as per the directive of Vice President Al Gore, was published in 1995. The army general said the CIA report identified genocide, revolution, ethnic conflict, change of political power through violent means, and serious deterioration of internal law and order as the prime indicators of a weak state. Fortunately, none of the characteristics for a "weak state" exist in Bangladesh now, he said. Moinul said a state administers through a government. And that's why the ruling procedure of governments can be criticised- not the state. The former advisor to the caretaker government said that all the machinery, which are supposed to be operative in a sovereign state remained fully functional in Bangladesh. "Here in Bangladesh, we see a unitary government and a sovereign parliament. People pay regular taxes to the government. We have a foreign policy and external trade. And finally, Bangladesh has an independent cultural identity," he said adding that there was no room to say, "Bangladesh is heading towards to become a failed state." This is nothing, he said, other than a motivated attempt to create a complex situation in society. The foreign media is also playing a big role in this regard, he said adding that they wanted to make Bangladesh their stooge. General Moin, however, acknowledged that there were problems in the state functionaries. The people have complaints about the quality of governance. "But these limitations can never be attributed to as the failure of the state or the nation," he pointed out. Moin observed: it's true that the hopes and aspirations of the nation did not reflect properly after the independence. But it is also true that Bangladesh has marched a long way as an independent and sovereign nation during last 33 years. "We have achieved successes in agriculture. The communications network has developed. Education sector scenario has been improved. And these things should also be considered before any judgement." He quoted Pandit Jawharlal Nehru-----'What we really are matters more, than what other people think of us'-and said, "This is our country. And it is our responsibility to build it."

Guam

Agana Pacific Daily News, GU 20 July 2004 www.guampdn.com Memorial honors victims of Fena massacre By Katie Worth; kworth@guampdn.com Pacific Daily News Victor Consaga/For Pacific Daily News Ceremony: From left, Fena Massacre survivor Maria Alerta, 70; Maria Tenorio, 64; and Rosa Charfauros listen to the national anthem at the ceremony in Santa Rita yesterday in honor of the victims of the Fena massacre during World War II. Victor Consaga/For Pacific Daily News Wreath-laying: Veterans assist in a wreath-laying at the ceremony yesterday outside of the Naval Magazine gate in Santa Rita in honor of the victims of the wartime Fena massacre 60 years ago. TO THE POINT Guam paid tribute yesterday to the victims of the Fena massacre during World War II. The Fena valley was -- and perhaps still is -- a peaceful setting, one of the most beautiful and pristine areas in all of Guam, historian Tony Palomo remarked at the Fena memorial ceremony yesterday afternoon. "Once upon a time, Fena was an ancient Chamorro hamlet, a village of carefree and happy people. They knew not the horrors of war. Nor did they feel a sense of fear or foreboding," he noted. But 60 years ago, that valley became the site of the killing of 33 people and the near killing of another 65, in what's called the Fena cave massacre. Just two days after U.S. Marines landed on Guam's shores and began to wage the epic battle that would free the island from the oppressive Japanese occupation, Japanese soldiers herded about 100 of Guam's strongest and healthiest young people into Fena Cave. Then the Japanese soldiers began shooting. More than half of those in the cave managed to escape from a back entrance, many carrying their bleeding relatives on their back. Those who did not die right away, but could not escape, were systematically bayoneted to death. Yesterday's ceremony in memory of the massacre was held not in front of the massacre site, unlike in the other war-related memorial ceremonies, because the site is on Naval Magazine in Santa Rita, which has restricted access. The massacre site is near the island's only freshwater lake, which many of the island's younger generations have never seen. The memorial was held just outside the Naval Magazine gate. 'So innocent' Though the ceremony yesterday came six decades after the massacre took place, the memory was strong enough to draw tears to the cheeks of the victims' relatives. One of those who attended the ceremony was 79-year-old Dorothy Camacho Seagraves, who lost her only brother to the massacre. "They were so innocent," she said. "It's really terrible, how they killed my brother." The last time she saw her brother, she said, he told her it would probably be the last time they would meet, because he would be killed. She explained that the Japanese soldiers had it in for her brother, because before the war, he was a cable operator. They beat him up many times during the course of the war, afraid of him because they believed he would somehow be able to communicate with the Americans. Sure enough, he and the other able-bodied men and women were rounded up right after the invasion began, because the Japanese soldiers feared they would rebel against them and side with the Americans in the invasion. He was shot in the cave that dark night and bled to death, Dorothy Camacho Seagraves has been told. "The survivors who managed to escape, they found him breathing, but he told them not to worry about him, because he was hit so hard and he knew it was too late for him," she said. "My mother found his bones later on and we did bury him," she said, tears sliding down her cheeks at the decades-old memory. Yesterday, Seagraves lit a candle in honor of her only sibling. "I'm not only thinking of my brother, but my mother was also very much devastated," he said. "We suffered a lot ... we were innocent."

India

AP 3 July 2004 Ten killed in caste-related massacre in India By ASSOCIATED PRESS Advertisement PATNA, India Armed attackers from an upper-caste militia opened fire on villagers, killing 10 people from a lower caste as festering social tensions erupted again in India's violence-prone state of Bihar, police said Saturday. Two of the dead were members of a lower-caste militia, and two other villagers suffered gunshot wounds in the attack Friday night in the state's Nawada district, Inspector-General Neelmani told The Associated Press. The officer uses a single name. The attack took place in Chakwai village, some 60 kilometers (36 miles) south of the state capital Patna, Neelmani said. The victims were seated in the courtyard of a village elder, chatting after dinner, when the armed men raided the village. Nine people died immediately, and one of three injured people died on the way to the hospital, police said. The attackers were suspected to be members of the Akhilesh Singh gang, an outfit promoting interests of the landowning Bhumihar castes and frequently involved in attacks on lower-caste villagers in the area, the officer said. Low caste militias such as the Ashok Mahto, which police said lost two members in Friday night's attack, in turn target upper-caste villagers and rival gangs. The latest violence was believed to be have been carried out by Mahto gang members as revenge for the killing of two Akhilesh Singh members outside a district court last month. Police surrounded the area and sealed all roads leading out of Nawada district in an attempt to catch the attackers. On Saturday morning, dozens of villagers swarmed the Parsa railway station close to the massacre site, blocking trains in the area and demanding compensation of 100,000 rupees (US$2,200) and government jobs for the families of the dead. They rejected the local government's announcement of compensation of 10,000 rupees (US$220). Caste tensions run deep in Bihar, one of India's poorest states. The state is the hub of caste clashes, which also occur in other parts of the country. Thousands have been killed over the past decades in cyclical waves of caste violence. More than 70 people have been killed in caste-related violence in the state in the past two years, according to police. The lower castes, 80 percent of India's 1 billion people according to the government's estimate, are still at the bottom in most social indicators, including education, income, employment, asset ownership and debt.

HRW 10 July 2004 India: Probe Police Attacks on ‘Untouchables’ (New York, July 10, 2004) -- The Indian government should immediately launch a full investigation into allegations that police used excessive force against Dalits (or “untouchables”) who tried to participate in a religious ceremony in Tamil Nadu last week, Human Rights Watch said today. Police used excessive force and targeted Dalits while responding to a riot at the Kandadevi religious festival on July 1, according to the Dalit Human Rights Monitoring Program. At least 20 Dalits were injured, eight requiring hospitalization. “It seems that Dalits are still considered untouchable for religious purposes, but not when it comes to the police using force against them,” said Sam Zarifi, deputy director for Human Rights Watch’s Asia Division. “There should be an immediate investigation into this violent incident, and all those responsible should be prosecuted.” Some one thousand Dalits had joined a crowd of 6,000 gathered for the Kandadevi festival. The Dalits wanted to take part in the ceremony, during which Hindus derive religious honor from manually towing a chariot-like structure holding a religious idol. A riot broke out when upper-caste Hindus forcefully barred Dalits from participating in the ritual. In the ensuing melee, the two sides resorted to throwing stones at each other. According to the Dalit Human Rights Monitoring Program, the police reacted to the protest by targeting the Dalit demonstrators with excessive force. Members of the Monitoring Program who investigated the incident said police had used batons and rifle butts to beat protestors on the face, back, chest and buttocks. Witnesses told the Monitoring Program that some policemen had also used racist language to abuse the Dalit protestors, particularly focusing on Dalit women. Some policemen allegedly told the protesters, “We will not rest until you are killed.” Police prevented a fact-finding team, which had planned to monitor the ceremony, from reaching the site, raising concerns that officials had planned their violent response to the protest. “The Indian government needs to send a message that it will not tolerate police brutality, especially when it is coupled with racist, anti-Dalit discrimination,” Zarifi said. “It’s particularly troubling that independent monitors were kept away from the event. The best thing to do now is to conduct a transparent and fair investigation that shows that the Indian government does not favor one caste over another.” Background The Kandadevi festival had become the focus of tension because Dalits had been excluded by upper-caste Hindus from the ceremonies for nearly a century. Since 1947, after India’s independence, Dalits have been attempting to reclaim that right and in 1999 won a court order stating that all Hindus—including Dalits—were entitled to pull the chariot. In 2002 despite the court order, the local government failed to ensure that Dalits could participate. Last year a Dalit district chief attempted to work out a peaceful solution, but protests by upper-caste groups eventually led to cancellation of the ceremony. This year, as part of a compromise attempt between different groups, only 10 Dalits were selected at random for the rope-pulling festival, despite protests from the Dalit community. The Indian constitution bans discrimination against “untouchables.” Dalit groups, as well as Human Rights Watch, have repeatedly urged the Indian government and the state governments to train district officials and police personnel charged with enforcing India’s anti-discrimination laws. At the same time, the national and state governments should launch an effective public awareness campaign regarding the legal prohibition of “untouchability” and other forms of discrimination and violence against Dalits.

BBC 10 July, 2004, Men held over 'caste gang-rape' Dalit women are among India's most vulnerable social groups Eight people have been arrested in the central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh over the gang-rape of three women from the Dalit lower-caste Hindu community. The attack is said to have been revenge for a Dalit boy's elopement with a girl from an upper-caste Yadav family. A police complaint alleges that a band of about 30 Yadav men raped the boy's mother and two aunts, having first paraded them through the village. Indian law forbids caste bias but has failed to eradicate rural prejudices. Many Dalits - once referred to as "untouchables" - have attained positions of power but the majority are still among India's poorest, most victimised people. Violence fears Tensions boiled over in the Madhya Pradesh village of Bhamtola when a 14-year-old Yadav girl eloped with a 19-year-old Dalit boy. At a village council meeting, the Yadavs demanded their lower-caste neighbours hand the couple over, says the BBC's Mahesh Pandey from Bhopal. According to a police officer, the girl's brother filed a complaint and called for the marriage to be annulled. His community members then allegedly attacked the Dalit boy's house before gang-raping three of his female relatives on Thursday night. Security has been stepped up in the village and public gatherings banned amid fears that the incident could unleash a spiral of caste violence.

BBC 14 July, 2004 Fresh probe in India train attack Fifty-eight Hindu activists were killed in the attack India's new government has ordered a fresh investigation into an alleged attack on a train which triggered off religious riots in Gujarat state. Fifty-eight people were killed when the train carrying Hindu activists was allegedly torched by a Muslim mob in the town of Godhra in 2002. The incident led to riots in Gujarat in which more than 1,000 people, mostly Muslims, were killed. Some 56 people are being held in connection with the Godhra attack. India's railway minister Laloo Prasad Yadav told parliament on Wednesday that the fresh probe by his ministry would be completed in three months. Unclear An existing investigation into the attack led by two retired judges has yet to pinpoint the exact cause of the fire on the train. It is still unclear whether any inflammable material was hurled into the train from outside or whether a short circuit triggered off the blaze. Mr Yadav told parliament that forensic investigations revealed that inflammable material inside the train had led to the fire. He said the former Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led federal government had not made the forensic report public. The train was carrying passengers returning from the disputed religious site of Ayodhya in northern India, where extremists tore down a mosque in 1992. It came under a barrage of stones and was then set alight as it pulled out of a station in Godhra. The Godhra incident sparked some of the worst religious riots seen in India since the country came into being in 1947. Violence engulfed the state for weeks Independent estimates put the number of people killed by the mobs at closer to 2,000. There were allegations that the attacks on the minority community were carefully-orchestrated - and that members of the state's Hindu nationalist BJP government, played a key role in the rioting. Gujarat's hardline BJP chief minister, Narendra Modi, described the violence as a "natural reaction" to the Godhra attack. He was heavily criticised for failing to stop the violence, but no action was taken against him.

sify.com 16 July 2004 Film revisits Sikh massacre, Gujarat riots By Hindol Sengupta, IANS Friday, 16 July , 2004, 16:36 New Delhi: With empathy and sweeping camera flow, a new film has used the national ghosts of the 1984 massacre of Sikhs to reflect on the Gujarat riots of two years ago. Called Kaya Taran, the film is an adaptation of a Malayalam short story by N.S. Madhavan When Big Trees Fall and was screened at the capital's Siri Fort Auditorium Thursday night. Shifting through past and present, the tale follows the lives of Preet (Angad Bedi), a Delhi reporter working on a story on religious conversions, and the head nun of a Meerut convent (Seema Biswas). As Preet unravels the layers of his story, he enters the murky world of memory -- of the widespread murder of Sikhs after the assassination of then prime minister Indira Gandhi in 1984. Director Sashi Kumar, a veteran journalist and documentary filmmaker, uses memory as a tool to weave together a tale of subtle dialogue between communities even as the angry flames of hate burn the street tar, lives and homes. In places, Preet's own Sikh identity comes into play as he digs out remembrances of tears as images of bloodthirsty mobs with swords and burning tyres racing down the streets keep cropping up in his interviews. Using the tale of nuns and breaking cinematic traditions of continuity, Kumar makes vital comments on secular belief in India and relations between communities. It's a tale that resonates as the young boy in the film (played by Neelambari Bhattacharya, the great-grandchild of E.M.S. Namboodiripad) talks of the murder of his father and brother before flashing cameras. With each flash, and bloody revelation, the boy's face lights up, as if with terrifying enlightenment. The story, Kumar believes, is particularly pertinent even as tales of the Gujarat riots continue to create headlines and debate. Through his film, Kumar tries to build correlations between the separate acts of hatred, separated by almost two decades and yet so similar in vitriol. The audience, with many Sikhs, watched silently through the 110 minutes of the Hindi film, then many walked out solemnly. "It can never stop bothering me," said Charanjit Singh, a Sikh who had come with his wife and eight-year-old son. "My own brother was killed, set ablaze with a burning tyre around his neck. You can never forget these things." Singh said he had come to show his son a glimpse of the "sad history". "He should also know," Singh told IANS after the show. "It's good to know the pains of your parents." His son Sohan looked a little bewildered. "It's frightening," he said. "My parents were crying during the show." This is the sort of reaction Kumar wants to evoke, as does the rights group Sahmat that sponsored the show. "Under our layer of secularism lies racial and religious intolerance that often causes havoc," said Kumar. "My film is about that vulnerability. We must join hands to fight intolerance and promote brotherhood."

timesofindia.indiatimes.com 19 July 2004 Arrest warrant out for Shibu Soren IANS RANCHI: The net is closing in on Union Coal Minister Shibu Soren, who was allegedly involved in the killing of 10 people 30 years ago, with police in Jharkhand on Monday receiving the formal copy of an arrest warrant against him. A sub-divisional judicial magistrate's court has declared Soren an absconder since 1986 when he was first asked to surrender in the case. The 1986 warrant was not implemented by police in Jharkhand, which was then part of Bihar. The fresh order for his arrest was issued by the court of UN Mishra on Saturday and sent to police in Hazaribagh, the native district of Soren, who is also chief of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM). On Jan 23, 1975, Soren had allegedly led a tribal mob that attacked the Muslim-dominated Chirudih village in Jamtara district during a campaign to "drive away outsiders". Ten people, including nine Muslims, were killed. Police say a dozen houses were set on fire in the attack. Lokhendran Soren, one of the accused in the massacre, had said in his dying declaration that it was Shibu Soren who instigated the mob to kill people, say police. Police will now approach Lok Sabha speaker Somnath Chatterjee and submit to him a copy of the new warrant. They will also seek the help of Delhi police if Soren refuses to surrender. Reacting to the warrant, Chief Minister Arjun Munda said: "The state police will do its job and implement the court order." Soren was one of the 69 charged with murder by Jamtara district police in 1975. He had procured bail in 1979, but the bail was cancelled in 1986 when the first arrest warrant was issued against him. However, JMM sources say, police never served the warrant. They say Soren is now likely to move the Jharkhand High Court against the warrant. "Let the warrant notice be served first, then we will seek the opinion of legal experts and move the high court," said Stephen Marandi, a JMM MP. "There is no pressure from any quarter on Soren to resign." The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which leads the coalition government in Jharkhand, has launched an offensive against Soren ahead of assembly polls in February next year.

BBC 24 July, 2004 Fugitive Indian minister 'quits' Mr Soren is accused of inciting a mob An Indian cabinet minister sought in connection with the killing of 10 people has resigned, his aides say. Coal Minister Shibu Soren is on the run, with police on his trail. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh called on him to step down after days of noisy protests by opposition MPs accusing him of evading arrest. He is alleged to have incited a mob that killed 10 people, mostly Muslims, in a dispute over tribal land in the state of Jharkhand in 1975. A delegation of Mr Soren's regional Jharkhand Mukti Morcha party is reported to have handed over his resignation letter to the prime minister in Delhi. MPs boycott He has not been seen since Wednesday, when a police team from Jharkhand state came to Delhi to serve an arrest warrant on him. When they could not find him, they pasted the warrant on his door but it was ripped off by his supporters. Mr Soren has said the charges are politically motivated and that he is being targeted unfairly. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led opposition alliance has refused to allow parliamentary business to go ahead until Mr Soren is arrested. They have also demanded other "tainted" ministers be sacked. Until now the prime minister has defended them, saying accusations are not the same as a conviction. Under Indian law, a politician is barred from holding office if convicted for a crime but not if he is facing legal proceedings.

www.newindpress.com 25 July 2004 10 Muslims killed in Siwan massacre Sunday July 25 2004 00:00 IST PATNA: Ten people, including four children, were shot and stabbed to death in Jagdishpur village, 40 km from Siwan in northwestern Bihar, in the wee hours of Saturday, police said. All the victims were Muslims and belonged to the Fakir community that sings and collects alms for a living, police said. All of them were killed while they were asleep, they added. The assailants allegedly fled to neighbouring Uttar Pradesh after the massacre that took place around 1 am. Following the incident, Siwan District Magistrate Brajesh Mehrotra and Superintendent of Police Jaglal Choudhary rushed to the village and were camping there. Officials said raids were on simultaneously at several places in UP and Bihar to nab the criminals. ``I have no idea how and why it happened. We were sleeping, and everything happened within seconds,'' said a woman who lost her son in the massacre. Official sources said the massacre was the result of the ongoing war of supremacy between Muslim and Yadav gangs operating in the Siwan-Gopalganj districts of the state. Police suspected ``revenge'' as the motive behind the latest massacre. A few months ago, seven members of the Yadav community were gunned down at a village in Siwan, and police believed the latest killings to be a fallout of that. Police also suspected the hands of the Rama Shanker Yadav gang behind Saturday's massacre. .

Indonesia

BBC 17 July, 2004 Ex-Timor governor starts sentence By Rachel Harvey BBC correspondent in Jakarta Abilio Soares says he is being made a scapegoat A former governor of East Timor convicted of human rights abuses has begun serving his prison sentence in Jakarta, a day later than scheduled. Abilio Soares failed to report to the attorney general on Friday - but after a further summons he has now complied. He was found guilty in 2002 of failing to prevent violence during East Timor's transition to independence in 1999. Mr Soares says he is being made a scapegoat while top security officials have been allowed to go free. Mr Soares has become the first person convicted by Indonesia's special human rights tribunal to go to prison for his crimes. But it has taken almost two years. Disappointment After the failure of his appeal, Indonesia's supreme court ordered Mr Soares to begin serving his three-year sentence in a Jakarta jail on 16 July. The deadline came and went. Mr Soares was at home in Indonesian West Timor, a six-hour flight away. The prosecutor's office contacted him and made clear that if he failed to comply with the summons Mr Soares would be taken by force. Speaking to the BBC as he signed his prison papers, Mr Soares said he was deeply disappointed but not angry. "I've sacrificed so much for my country," he said, "now I feel I'm the one being sacrificed." He went on to say that searching for justice in Indonesia was like looking for fresh water in a desert. Many victims of the violence which swept East Timor during its vote for independence from Jakarta would certainly agree with that.

BBC 19 July, 2004 Gunmen attack Indonesian church A priest has been killed and four others wounded during an attack inside a Christian church in Indonesia. Police said gunmen entered the Effata church in Palu, in Central Sulawesi province, on Sunday evening. The female priest, 29-year old Reverend Susianti Tinulele, died at the scene after preaching a sermon. One of the wounded is in a critical condition. At least 1,000 people have been killed in Muslim-Christian unrest in the province over the past five years. The shooting happened near the town of Poso, which has seen some of the worst religious violence in recent years. Indonesian flashpoints: Sulawesi Tinulele had just finished speaking when the gunmen attacked the church, according to worshipper Rudi Pesik. "The gunmen sprayed bullets around the church. Everyone panicked," he told the Associated Press news agency. "I dropped to the floor and prayed that my wife and I wouldn't be hit," he said. It is so far unclear who was behind the attack but police spokesman Victor Batara said the gunmen "clearly want to disturb security as it has been relatively safe recently". The national police chief, D'ai Bachtiar, flew to Palu earlier on Monday to oversee an investigation into the attack, according to local police sources. In Jakarta, Chief Security Minister Hari Subarno said the incident was designed "to create a horizontal conflict" - conflict between different sectors of society. Ongoing violence This is the fifth attack on Christians in Central Sulawesi this year - including an attack in April which injured seven people in a church near Poso. The violence between Christians and Muslims began in 1998, with some analysts claiming it was caused by fighting in the neighbouring Moluccan islands spilling over into Sulawesi. Others say it was a consequence of the influx of Muslim migrants from Java in a controversial transmigration programme. A report in February by the International Crisis Group said some members of the militant group Jemaah Islamiah (JI), which has been blamed for the 2002 Bali bombing, were also pursuing their goal of establishing an Indonesian Islamic state in Indonesia. About 85% of Indonesians are Muslims - but in some eastern parts, such as Poso and Palu, Christian and Muslim populations are about equal in size.

Reuters 19 July 2004 Woman minister killed in Indonesian church Mon 19 July, 2004 13:24 By Karima Anjani JAKARTA (Reuters) - Gunmen burst into a church in eastern Indonesia and shot dead a female reverend and wounded four of her congregation as she delivered her sermon, sparking fears of fresh religious violence, officials say. All four of the wounded were teenagers and one of them, an 18-year-old girl shot in the left eye, had only a slim chance of surviving after the raid late on Sunday in Palu city in Central Sulawesi, a police spokesman said on Monday. Palu is near the regency of Poso, where more than 2,000 people have died in Muslim-Christian clashes 1999. "Five men opened fire at the front door of the Effata church after threatening the security guard," said spokesman Victor Batara from Palu, about 1,500 km (900 miles) northeast of Jakarta. The gunmen fled on two motorcycles. Protestant minister Susianti Tinolele, who previously lived in Poso died at the scene, he said. Local media reported Tinolele, 29, fell straight to the church floor after a bullet rammed through her skull, prompting around 100 churchgoers to frantically run for safety. A yellow police line now encircles the church, and police barred onlookers and the media from the scene of the crime. Christian leaders in Palu have called on followers to shun any form of retaliation as the identities of the gunmen are still unknown. Central Sulawesi police said one of the main gunmen had long hair but buried his face under a blue cap, but offered no details on the other attackers. The motive was not known, spokesman Batara said. "But clearly they want to disturb security as it has been relatively safe recently." In Jakarta, President Megawati Sukarnoputri told reporters: "I ask the public to be alert because we must maintain security and political stability ahead of the final round of the presidential election." Megawati is expected to face her former security minister in a run-off vote on September 20 after a first round election failed to produce a majority for any of the five candidates competing. The top two vote-getters go to the run-off. Indonesian financial markets have been nervous about possible violence during the elections. Chief Security Minister Hari Sabarno told reporters the incident could spark fresh religious tension. "This certainly will create a situation that can lead into ...conflict," he said. "When the target is a religious leader from a specific religion, people may think this was done by another religion," he said, without indicating if any specific group was suspected. "Of course, we cannot accept that a priest who was giving a sermon be shot like that. The person who did it was inhuman." Security forces in the province were hunting for the attackers, police said. The incident comes after an Easter shooting in April in Poso town that wounded seven people, including a four-year-old girl and last May's murder of a prosecutor in Palu after he attended a Bible-reading session. Some 85 percent of Indonesia's 220 million people are Muslim. In some eastern parts, such as the Poso-Palu area, Christian and Muslim populations are about equal in size. Since the Asian economic crisis of the late 1990s, Indonesia, the world's fourth largest country, has experienced political turbulence and sporadic ethnic and religious clashes. Several attacks, including the October 2002 Bali blasts that killed 202 people, have been blamed on the al Qaeda-linked militant Jemaah Islamiah network. Five alleged members of the group were convicted in Palu on various charges under anti-terrorism laws in March.

The Jakarta Post 20 July 2004 www.thejakartapost.com Religious leaders condemn attacks, urge restraint , Palu Central Sulawesi remained calm on Monday, a day after masked gunmen killed a Christian minister in Palu, as Christian and Muslim leaders condemned the attack and urged their laity to shun revenge. Meanwhile, calls grew for the dismissal of Central Sulawesi Police chief Brig. Gen. Taufik Ridha and his senior subordinates for failing to end mysterious attacks in the province blamed on unidentified gunmen. The demand was raised separately by the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) central board and Central Sulawesi Christian Church (GKST) secretary Noldy Tacoh. Noldy and Frederik Latupeirisa, a former secretary of the Sulawesi Church Youth Commission, even went as far as saying that National Police chief Gen. Bachtiar should also be dismissed over the latest bloodshed. "Aside from the provincial chief, the national police chief should also be removed because they could not ensure that Christians are able to perform their religious rituals in peace in the country," Frederik said. Da'i arrived in Palu on Monday and visited the scene on Jl. Banteng, Palu, and the house of Reverend Susianti Tinulele, 29, who was shot dead in Sunday's incident. Grief gripped the woman's home on Jl. Lembu in South Palu, after the attack that took place when attackers burst into the Effata Presbyterian church and opened fire at around 7 p.m. Susianti died on the spot while four others were injured, including one who is in a critically condition in hospital. GKST chairman Arnold Tobondo denounced the killing and called on all Christians to stay calm. He also demanded that police capture the assailants and uncover those behind the deadly attack. Condemnation also came from Central Sulawesi's Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) chairman S. Saggaf Aljufrie who immediately called for a meeting to prevent the situation from worsening. "The shooting was an act which went against religious and human values," he said, while appealing to Muslims and followers of other religions not to be provoked by the incident. Saggaf said that if the attackers were Muslims, they acted on behalf of themselves, not Islam, adding that they must be arrested soon to face justice under prevailing laws and in order to pacify local residents. Saggaf and Arnold said the police should not let the latest shooting remain unsolved as in the case of May's murder of Christian prosecutor Ferry Silalahi who had also been slain by masked assailants. He was shot dead in his car after attending evening mass in another church in Palu. "Our region is like no-man's-land as people can carry guns freely and shoot innocent people," Saggaf said. Da'i said he would deploy more intelligence officers and detectives to help capture the attackers and unravel the case. He did not give any numbers. Local police said they had distributed sketches of the attackers, who according to witnesses arrived on two Yamaha RX King motorbikes, across the province. Hontiles Magindali, an eye witness, said that minutes before the incident he saw two men enter Effata church's veranda and point a gun at a security guard named Ungke. Ungke was later brought by the gunmen into the church, where Christians were listening to a sermon by Susianti, Hontiles added. They sprayed bullets through the church killing the woman minister. Another eye witness Tiok Noersoelistiyo said the attacker were well-built men and had fired several shots before entering the church. In Jakarta, acting chief security minister Hari Sabarno said the attackers were attempting to trigger renewed conflict. Up to 2,000 people were killed in sectarian fighting that broke out in Poso between 2000 and 2001. President Megawati Soekarnoputri ordered the police to apprehend the attackers as soon as possible. "I ask the people to remain alert because we have to maintain political stability and security ahead of the Sept. 20 presidential election," she said. Data from the GKST shows at least 17 shooting incidents have hit Central Sulawesi since last October, all targeting Christians. In April at least one gunman sprayed bullets into a church in Poso regency during a choir practice. Seven people, including a four-year-old girl, were injured. In other shootings Christian minister Yohanis Tajoja was shot dead in front of his wife. Another man was killed and a female university lecturer wounded in another attack. In the worst bloodshed last year, gunmen killed 10 people in attacks on mainly Christian villages in October.

Australian Broadcasting Corporation 28 Jul 2004 Civilians among dead in Aceh violence Five suspected separatist rebels and two civilians have been killed in violence in the Indonesian province of Aceh. A military spokesman says troops have seized 30 homemade grenades, rebel flags, an automatic rifle and ammunition. According to official figures, about 2,200 rebels have been killed since 19 May 2003, when the military launched an operation to crush the Free Aceh Movement. .

Iraq

IRIN 28 Jun 2004 Focus on handover [This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations] BAGHDAD, 28 June (IRIN) - A taxi driver in the Iraqi capital, Baghdad, tried to make a small joke: "When US-led administrators hand sovereignty of the country back to Iraqis, insurgents will storm the prison where former President Saddam Hussein is held and bring him back to power." When asked why anyone would want the former dictator back, Mohammed Abdullah, 30, chuckling sadly, told IRIN, "At least then, we had security." Even if the electricity works better to power wheezing air-conditioners to beat the blistering heat, or more people are working again, all that Iraqis want to talk about these days is the lack of security in their country. HOPING FOR BEST, PREPARING FOR WORST Even before the handover of power happened unexpectedly on Monday, two days before the scheduled 30 June date, aid workers at international and local agencies were hoping for the best, but planning for the worst. "People are expecting things to start moving. They hope things will get better with infrastructure such as electricity and sewage," Edmond Adam, Middle East Council of Churches (MECC) interim director, told IRIN in Baghdad. MECC has worked in southern Iraq and is bringing in medical supplies. "We are also waiting to see what happens." US administrator Paul Bremer on Monday morning handed over government documents to Iyad Allawi, the interim Iraqi prime minister, in the heavily fortified "green zone" in the capital where many governmental offices and palaces of former President Saddam Hussein are located. Allawi was accompanied by other members of the new interim government, including Sheikh Ghazi Ajil al-Yawar, the new president. Insecurity in many parts of Iraq has already forced many international organisations to send international aid workers out of the country. Most put operations on hold during the handover period. All UN international staff were evacuated and work for Iraq is being done by local staff directed from Amman, Jordan. International staff left Iraq following an August bombing which killed more than 20 people. "[Regarding] the movement of our expatriate staff, we try not to go out too much," Giorgio Tarditi, director of Lifeline, Relief in Crisis, a South African-based aid agency, told IRIN. "Let's suppose the situation worsens, then there is progress, complete autonomy, and everything falls apart." Intelligence reports put out by US-led administrators and others have indicated that things might get even worse in the coming weeks for foreigners, newly named interim government officials and "collaborators" who work with US civilians or troops. In recent days, insurgents have kidnapped and killed a US citizen and a South Korean man. Insurgents currently hold three Turkish citizens they said they would kill if all Turks did not leave the country. Dan Senor, a US administration spokesman in Iraq, said insurgents would try to destabilize the new interim government, but officials would stand firm. "This is a government prepared to weather the post-30 June storm," said Senor. "They will do everything they can to beat back this terrorist threat and not get off the track to democracy." All civilian movement out of the "green zone" is restricted until 4 July because of the potential for increased instability. There were additional rumours that civilians working for the US-led administration would not be allowed to fly out of Iraq until after that date for security reasons. "Aid agencies are lessening their presence even more in case things go bad," Darren Nance, who works for the US-based NGO, the National Democratic Institute, told IRIN. The US-based democracy-building group is working on preparations for planned January elections. NEW INTERIM GOVERNMENT US officials appointed a Governing Council of 25 members last autumn. That council was dissolved in June for the new interim government, formed through a process facilitated by Lakhdar Brahimi, Special Adviser to UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, and approved by Governing Council members. The new government, expected to be in power until the January 2005 elections, has a president, two deputy presidents, and a prime minister who oversees a council of 32 ministers. The head of the UN election division, Carina Perelli, working on the election process in Iraq, said earlier that the situation would calm down once citizens started realising there would be a national election. But Prime Minister Allawi said recently he believed an election should be postponed to March. A newly named electoral commission of Iraqis expected to run the election has already left the country for training. Sam Patten, resident political director at the International Republican Institute's Baghdad office, told IRIN that workers tentatively planned to do a country-wide census in October, an essential part of the election process. Already, some 120 self-declared political parties have stepped forward to get training from the US-based democracy-building group, which is also working on election preparations. UN officials suggested last month that food ration cards issued under former international sanctions against the country could be used to form a voter database. "Whether that (census) information can be analysed and tabulated in time is a whole other story," Patten said. "But the political parties are realising this is a democratic means of engaging the system." UNREST GROWING? Some aid workers said there could be fighting among Iraqis themselves due to the humanitarian and political situation. "In the next six months, there could be some insecurity - there could even be a confrontation between religious leaders and the government," Lifeline's Tarditi said. "If there is a civil war, which we don't expect, we would have to leave, too." Insurgents also continue to attack Iraq's oil infrastructure, causing a loss of up to US $1 billion in revenue in recent months, money that could be going towards building a new Iraq. Allawi said anyone attacking oil pipelines is a traitor to the freedom of Iraq's people. In addition, several government officials have been gunned down in front of their homes or at work in the last few weeks. The deputy foreign minister was killed, as was a Baghdad University official. An Education Ministry official, who had been coordinating changes to the educational curriculum and its textbooks, was also killed. "Criminals are criminals - they don't differentiate between workers for the ministry of oil and workers for the ministry of education," Fadhal Tala, a ministry of education spokesman, told IRIN earlier. "Why criminals are interested in one person and not another, I don't know." On the positive side, the Ministry of Human Rights expects to work on more prison issues, including getting the country ready to sign an international convention against torture, Baktiar Amin, the human rights minister, told IRIN. Following US troop abuses of Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib prison, Iraqi guards are expected to take over day-to-day administration of criminal prisoners. US troops will continue to watch those classified as "security detainees". "We are preparing Iraq to be a part of this, (but) we need to reform our penal code and train our people," Amin said. "It's not an easy issue when you have had a pattern of systematic torture for decades." SOUTHERN IRAQ Many NGOs in Basra were anxious ahead of the handover. Ra'd Suliman, deputy director of the General Organisation for Human Rights (GOHR), established in May 2003, told IRIN that the handover would be good for the Iraqi people even though it's a new national undertaking. "There could be some difficulties because of recent history and the worry over real independence," he added. After major military operations ended over a year ago, Suliman said, many NGOs were formed throughout the country. But he stressed that it was mainly in Basra where people were heavily oppressed by the former government, and suffered more than any other from wars with Iran and Kuwait, that NGOs are focused on humanitarian work. Basra was neglected because of the uprising of local people against Saddam during the first Gulf war in 1991. Today human rights is one of the biggest issues dealt with by NGOs in Basra. There are some 35 NGOs seeking civil rights for local Iraqis. The Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) has been working with 18 of the leading organisations. LOCAL NGOS WANT MORE INVOLVEMENT Azer Naji heads the Media Department of the Arabian Gulf Studies Centre at the University of Basra, and is one of the NGOs working with the CPA. He pointed out that aid agencies in southern Iraq were facing many problems primarily because it was impossible for them to monitor what was going on or to take part in the political decision-making. "This is because, like the centre, we are marginalised by both the CPA and those Iraqis who were delegated legitimate authority," he maintained. He said that although political advisers in southern Iraq who work with the CPA had organised meetings for civil society organisations to help develop skills in human rights, media operations, and development projects, there had not been much international help as yet. Naji expressed concern over the security situation too, saying he hoped it would improve following the handover. "The Iraqi government will be more aware of the security needs of the Iraqi people, but I'm not sure if security will prevail in the short term." SECURITY - KEY ISSUE Others too have security concerns. Nabil Kazim from the Iraqi National Association for Human Rights (INAHR) is concerned about their own protection following the handover. "There are some organised gangs that threaten our work. At one point, we stopped our activities when I was threatened because I criticised some of the political parties here. The militias which work for political parties those like Badr troops, and al-Mehdi troops (the latter are supporting radical Muslim cleric Moqtada al-Sadr) must be eliminated before we can carry on freely with our work." Sajda al-Abadi, from the Union of Basra Women, one of three independent women's groups here, told IRIN that they were hoping for a peaceful transfer following decades of turmoil in the country, with more female participation. "The CPA is certainly working with women representatives. On the other hand, we were shocked just today by the result of the Basra Governorate Council decision to take just one candidate from among the 150 women who applied," she said. The NGO found that almost 90 percent of widowed women in Basra and other southern governorates were living under severe conditions and form the highest percentage of beggars in the streets. Although she had a variety of projects to help these women, funding was not adequate, al-Abadi said. "I can't predict what will happen after the handover, civil society in the country will not be able to develop very fast. But we are hopeful that we could start doing that with better security."

AFP 28 Jun 2004 Sovereignty transferred to Iraq: AFP reporter BAGHDAD, June 28 (AFP) - The US-led coalition restored sovereignty to an Iraqi government Monday after 14 months of occupation in a low-key official ceremony, an AFP correspondent witnessed. The US civil administrator in Iraq, Paul Bremer, handed over legal documents to Iraq's interim Prime Minister Iyad Allawi who was flanked by the country's new President Sheikh Ghazi Al-Yawar, at around 10:30 am (0630 GMT). "It's a great pleasure to be here this day to formally hand over sovereignty on behalf of the coalition," Bremer told the audience of 30 politicians, diplomats and journalists at Allawi's office inside the sealed off coalition headquarters. "This is a historic day. This transfer of sovereignty to an Iraqi government and the Iraqi people, we have been working hard with Ambassador Bremer ... to achieve ... ," Allawi told the small group. Bremer handed Allawi and Yawar a letter from US President George W. Bush, requesting a resumption of diplomatic relations between the countries that were frozen in 1990 after then president Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait. The ceremony was moved up from June 30 amid rising violence by insurgents that has claimed hundreds of lives. US-led forces ousted Saddam in April last year, six weeks after invading the country, after claiming that his regime was developing weapons of mass destruction and had links to international terrorism. No such weapons have been found and the links have yet to be proved.

Knight Ridder Foreign Service 29 June 2004 Ethnic tensions may flare in north Kurdish refugees flooding oil-rich Kirkuk BY MARK McDONALD KIRKUK, Iraq — The children at the Shorja middle school in Kirkuk raise the flag and sing the anthem every morning — the Kurdistan flag and the Kurdish national anthem. There's not an Iraqi flag in sight. "Look at our past, how red it is with blood," they sing. "Let no one say the Kurds are no more. They are here, and their flag never falls." The Kurdish anthem, like the Kurdish past, is blood-soaked and dramatic, and many people in northern Iraq expect more bloodletting very soon. If there's going to be a civil war in Iraq — and many believe that's inevitable — the first cut, and the deepest, could well come in Kirkuk. The U.S.-led Coalition Provisional Authority yielded control of the Iraqi government Monday and the stability of the country, perhaps even the region, could be determined by what happens in oil-rich Kirkuk. "The worry is that when we go, the political vacuum will get filled in a cataclysmic way," said Paul Harvey, the Kirkuk coordinator for the coalition. The violence has already started. A spate of unsolved political murders has hit Kirkuk in recent weeks. Coalition officials now use bodyguards and armored cars at all times. The U.S. airbase has been taking light but regular mortar attacks, especially after Friday afternoon prayers. Saboteurs also have blown up two pipelines in the past month, one of them an important export pipeline. Kirkuk is a sprawling, dust-choked city of nearly 1 million people. It's made up of Kurds, Arabs, Turkmens and Assyrian Christians. The size of each community is a matter of hot debate. All but the Assyrians claim to be predominant. The Kurds are Muslims, but they're neither Arab nor Persian. They're a separate ethnic group with their own language and customs. Most of the estimated 4.5 million Iraqi Kurds live in the north. The Turkmens are an ethnic group with linguistic and cultural ties to Turkey, and they practice a moderate form of Shiite Islam. Assyrians have lived in the region for centuries. "There's so little trust among the different groups that it's hard to see how civil war can be avoided," said Ismael Shukir, a professor of modern Kurdish history at the University of Salahaddin. "Kirkuk could be the flashpoint for all of Iraq. All the nationalities are preparing for a big fight." The ultimate prize is the oil, and Kirkuk sits atop an ocean of it. The Kirkuk fields hold an estimated 40 percent of all the oil in Iraq. Foreign powers and various Baghdad regimes have been fiddling with the ethnic makeup of Kirkuk for the better part of a century. Now it's the locals who are doing the tampering. Kirkuk and its outlying farming villages are being flooded with Kurdish refugees, many of whom Saddam Hussein brutally displaced 20 years ago. When Saddam kicked out the Kurds, he moved in Arabs. Since liberation, the returning Kurds have been reclaiming their homes and farms, sometimes ejecting the Arabs at gunpoint. Arab-Kurd tension is unmistakable and nasty. Meanwhile, Kurdish political parties have been paying Kurds to move to Kirkuk before elections and a census. If things do turn cataclysmic, the Kurds could mobilize 70,000 armed men, most of them well-trained guerrilla fighters. These Kurdish peshmerga, "those who face death," fought alongside U.S. Special Forces teams against Saddam's troops. Turkmen parties also claim to have a military force in ready reserve. Turkey continues to make baleful statements about coming to the aid of its Iraqi brethren. Sunni insurgents and Shiite volunteers could intervene on behalf of Kirkuk's Arabs. There are reports of thousands of armed Shiite volunteers mustering across the border in Iran, and the Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr also seems to be anticipating a fight in Kirkuk. He's been busing some of his followers into the city. There are other new faces, as well. "All the intelligence services are here making problems: the Mossad (Israel), the CIA, (the Russian) FSB, the (Turkish) MIT. It only takes one of these agencies to make a lot of mischief," said Mahmoud Chalabi, a Turkmen political analyst. Tahssin Kahya, the chief of the Kirkuk city council, believes al-Qaida and Ansar al-Islam terror cells are operating in the city. Muhammad Ihsan, the minister for human rights in the Kurdistan regional government, also blames "ex-Baathists, Iran, Saudi fundamentalists and Syrian agents" for inciting ethnic hatred. The immediate future of Kirkuk will have a direct bearing on the possible creation of an independent Kurdistan. There are some 25 million Kurds spread across eastern Turkey, northern Iraq, Syria, Iran and Azerbaijan. They're a distinct nationality, but they've never had their own nation. "We have the right to have our own country. It's the dream of every Kurd," said Jabar Abdullah, a senior Kurdish leader in Irbil. "But for the time being, our future is with Iraq."

WP July 1, 2004 THE TRIBUNAL Court Hands Legal Custody of Saddam Hussein to Iraq By IAN FISHER and JOHN F. BURNS AGHDAD, Iraq, June 30 — After seven months of imprisonment, Saddam Hussein appeared before an Iraqi court on Wednesday as the new Iraqi government took legal custody of him and 11 of his aides. Mr. Hussein offered no protest or defiance as he was read the papers transferring legal, but not physical, custody, a senior military official said. He will be given a chance to speak to the court on Thursday at an arraignment, where he will be charged with crimes against humanity: the killing and torture of hundreds of thousands of Iraqis during his more than two decades in power. "Are you Saddam Hussein?" an Iraqi judge asked the defendant, according to the military official. Mr. Hussein, 66, apparently in good health and shorn of the long hair and gray beard he had when he was arrested last December in a hole near his hometown, Tikrit, said that he was. He also said that he wanted to ask some questions, said Salem Chalabi, a lawyer in charge of the tribunal trying Mr. Hussein and the other defendants. "He was told he should wait until tomorrow," Mr. Chalabi told Reuters. Custody was transferred at 10:15 a.m., officials said. The arraignment of Mr. Hussein and his aides on Thursday will come in a week that has not seen the spectacular insurgent attacks that many Iraqi and American officials had feared would mark the transfer of authority. Last Thursday, insurgents staged attacks across Iraq that left at least 105 people dead and hundreds injured. Since then, said a senior military official with the multinational forces here, insurgent activity has remained fairly low-key. On Wednesday, insurgents fired at least 10 mortar rounds at a military base near the Baghdad International Airport, wounding 11 American soldiers. In the southern city of Samawa, two Iraqis were injured in a car bombing near a police station. In Falluja, four people were killed when a house was hit by a missile fired from an American warplane, witnesses told Reuters. But the official said the military was wondering why the insurgents had not launched more high-profile attacks like the ones last week. The official said the military was leaning toward the theory that the insurgents had not planned attacks in the last few days, but that large-scale attacks could happen in the coming days as a violent test of the new government. "It is our assessment," the official told reporters at a briefing here, "that the purpose of the attacks in the first couple of days would not just be destruction and not just to send a signal, but it would be a test to see how the new government reacts. Is the new government going to be too weak, too strong? Will it be harsh, not harsh enough? Are they going to find a middle point? "I think the new government recognizes that they have a responsibility, in a large-scale attack, that they need to address it. And we are absolutely confident in Prime Minister Allawi's, and his team's, ability to confront any such message." The official was referring to Iyad Allawi, sworn in Monday as prime minister of an interim government charged with leading Iraq into elections for a national assembly next January. Like many of the new leaders of Iraq, Dr. Allawi spent years trying to overthrow Mr. Hussein. The transfer of legal custody over Mr. Hussein presented an early challenge to the new Iraqi government on a particularly important issue: to what extent Dr. Allawi, who has longstanding ties to Washington, will bend to the demands of an unpopular American presence. Though he had said earlier in the week that Iraqis would have actual custody of Mr. Hussein in their own jail, on Tuesday he said that "at our request" American troops would continue to keep him under guard. The official with the multinational forces said Dr. Allawi had "intimated to us that he may ask for custody" once Iraq constructs an "adequate" facility to hold him. Like the hearing transferring custody on Wednesday, the arraignment on Thursday will take place at an undisclosed location before a senior Iraqi judge, who for security reasons has not been identified. There were indications that it would take place outside Baghdad, shortly after another change in the American command here: Gen. George W. Casey Jr. will take over as the top military leader in Iraq from Lt. Gen. Ricardo S. Sanchez, who led the forces here since the invasion last year. About six reporters will be permitted to cover the arraignments, half of them from Arabic-language media. Television cameras will be allowed, though the arraignments will not be broadcast live. The proceedings were expected to be lengthy because the 12 defendants will arraigned individually and each will be given an opportunity to address the charges. They will be tried before the Iraqi Special Tribunal, set up in December, which American officials say will be observed by international legal experts. The crimes expected to be lodged against Mr. Hussein include the gas attacks against the Kurds in 1988, the 1980-88 war with Iran and the invasion of Kuwait in 1990. For the past few days, the usually traffic-clogged streets of the capital have been relatively empty, many Iraqis say, as people have been reluctant to go out fearing violence surrounding the transfer of authority to the new government. The streets were especially empty on Wednesday, declared a national holiday to celebrate the transfer. The capital has also been largely free of the usual rounds of gunfire and explosions. Hayder Abd Jellewi, 36, a guard at an old German school downtown, attributed that to the large number of Iraqi police officers, military personnel and guards like himself on the streets. On Wednesday, Iraqi security forces were evident in numbers, while virtually no American soldiers could be seen on the streets of Baghdad. Mr. Jellewi said he was grateful for the lack of violence during the transfer of authority but voiced confidence that Iraqi security forces can handle whatever happens next. "I can tell you that 90 percent of the Iraqi people are ready to face the dangers of such an occasion," he said. "The next few days will show that Iraqis deserve to take their sovereignty. We are all on alert. We are ready to face anything." Dr. Allawi, who has promised to crack down hard on the insurgency, has said his government is considering declaring a state of emergency in certain areas that could include curfews and more checkpoints. In Najaf on Wednesday, the southern city where Shiite militiamen battled American forces in April and May, local officials imposed a 9 p.m. to 6 a.m. curfew after finding 150 pounds of explosives in a car.

Transcript: Saddam Hussein Court Hearing FDCH e-Media Thursday, July 1, 2004; 12:10 PM At a court hearing in Baghdad Thursday, Iraq's former president Saddam Hussein responds to war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity accusations. (JOINED IN PROGRESS) HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): ... Hussein Majid, the president of the Republic of Iraq. JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): (OFF-MIKE) HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): 1937. JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): (OFF-MIKE) Profession? Former president of the Republic of Iraq? HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): No, present. Current. It's the will of the people. JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): The head of the Baath Party that is dissolved, defunct. Former commander and chief of the army. Residence is Iraq. Your mother's name? HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Sobha. TRANSLATOR: He stated the following. After positively I.D.ing the defendant. He was present before us. HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): May I have clarification? JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Go ahead, please. HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): You also have to introduce yourself to me. JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Mr. Saddam, I am the investigative judge of the central court of Iraq. HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): So that I have to know, you are an investigative judge of the central court of Iraq? What resolution, what law formed this court? JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): (OFF-MIKE) HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Oh, the coalition forces? So you are an Iraqi that -- you are representing the occupying forces? JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): No, I'm an Iraqi representing Iraq. HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): But you are... JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): I was appointed by a presidential decree under the former regime. HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): So you are reiterating that every Iraqi should respect the Iraqi law. So the law that was instituted before represents the will of the people, right? JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Yes, God willing. HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): So you should not work under the jurisdiction of the coalition forces. JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): This is an important point. I am a judge. In the former regime, I respect the judges. And I am resuming and continuing my work. You, as any other citizen, you have to answer to any accusation or charge, that's true. This is an arraignment, a charge. If it can be proven, then you will be convicted. If not, then everything is fine. The judicial due process is to bring back rights. If there's evidence, you'll be convicted. If there's no evidence, you will not. Until now, you're accused before the judicial system. So according to that... HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): So, please let me -- I'm not complicating matters. HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Are you a judge? You are a judge? And judges, they value the law. And they rule by the law, right? Right? Right is a relative issue. For us, right is our heritage in the Koran, sharia, right? I am not talking about Saddam Hussein, whether he was a citizen or in other capacities. I'm not holding fast to my position, but to respect the will of the people that decided to choose Saddam Hussein as the leader of the revolution. Therefore, when I say president of the Republic of Iraq, it's not a formality or a holding fast to a position, but rather to reiterate to the Iraqi people that I respect its will. This is one. Number two, you summoned me to levy charges -- no, I -- you call it crimes. JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): The investigative judge -- if there is evidence, then I'll defer it to a court of jurisdiction. HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Let me understand something. Who is the defendant? Any defendant when he comes to a court, before that there should be investigation. HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): This is not a court. This is investigation. This is investigation now. Let me clarify this point. Then I hope that you remember you are a judge empowered by the people. It doesn't really matter whether you convict me or not; that's not what's important. But what is important is that you remember that you're a judge. Then don't mention anything occupying forces. This is not good. Then judge in the name of people. Then that's good. Then judge in the name of people. This is the Iraqi way. JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Mr. Saddam, this is an investigative process before. HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): From the legal standpoint, you were notified that I have lawyers, right? Am I not supposed to meet with the lawyers before I come before you? JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): If you give me just 10 minutes, let's finish the formalities and I'll come to that. Then if you wait, then you will see that you have rights that are guaranteed. OK. Go ahead. According to the law, Mr. Saddam, the investigative judge has to give the defendant the charges that are levied against him. And then reading the rights of all the charges according to the law, Article 123, 124 and 125. The first step is, these articles, were they not signed by Saddam Hussein? Yes, this is the law that was in '73. So then Saddam Hussein was representing the leadership and signed that law. So now you are using the law that Saddam signed against Saddam. Saddam was the people. HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Please, the constitution mechanism -- I'm not a lawyer but I understand -- I am originally a man of law. Is it allowed to call a president elected by the people and charge him according to a law that was enacted under his will and the will of the people? HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): There is some contradiction. No. JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): The judicial process -- let me answer this clarification -- first, I'm not deliberating a case against you, I'm investigating, interrogating you. Second, the president is a profession, is a position, is a deputy of the society. That's true. And originally, inherently, he's a citizen. And every citizen, according to the law in the constitution, if this person violates a law has to come before the law. And that law you know more than I do. (AUDIO GAP AT SOURCE) JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): So the crimes, the charges: intended killing by using chemical weapons in Halabjah. HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): No. JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Second, intended killing of a great number of Iraqis in 1983. Three, intended killing of a number of members of political parties without trials. Fourth, intended killing of many of the Iraqi religious people. JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Fifth, intended killing of many Iraqis in Anfal (ph) without any evidence against it. You have the right to defend and answer. These are the guarantees. Now we come to an important matter. You will have heard the court read the crimes that you're charged -- or were attributed to the accused, Saddam Hussein. And you were told what the articles of the law that apply to those cases. And the court has read to you the rights and the guarantees that any accused is entitled to, which includes the rights of defense and representation and also the right not to answer any question asked, and that will never be used as an evidence against the accused. And the court also presented to the accused the right to argue the evidence. The accused requested to meet with defense lawyers that are his private defense lawyers to be present with him in the investigative sessions. And in light of that, the minutes were concluded and the investigation is postponed until the accused is enabled to contact his representation, his lawyers, and another appointment for the next session will be decided. Yes. The charges that were levied against Saddam Hussein -- go ahead. You should sign so that I can talk to -- OK. Let me sign. (AUDIO GAP AT SOURCE) JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Allow me. The seventh charge was against Saddam Hussein as president of the republic and the commander in chief of the army. JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): And the army went to Kuwait. HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Even though this was not an invasion. Will the law judge Saddam Hussein because he defends Iraq? JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): You are in a legal hearing and we will not allow you to speak in any way that is disrespectful to this court. Saddam Hussein is the president of the Republic of Iraq, and the commander in chief of the armed forces that invaded Kuwait. So officially this is what it was. HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Then in the formal capacity, is it permissible to charge an official title? And the person is to be dealt with in violation of the guarantees that are afforded by the constitution. This is the law that you're using to use against me now. This is the crux of the matter, Mr. Judge. Charges are levied because actions were taken in a system whose president was Saddam Hussein but without presidential guarantees. JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): I would like you to sign these documents formally, and this will go into the record. Answer to those charges. This is investigation. Answer. If you read the minutes, we say that we postpone the investigation. HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Then please allow me not to sign anything until the lawyers are present. JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): That is fine. But this is your... HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): I speak for myself. JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Yes, as a citizen you have the right. But the guarantees you have to sign because these were read to you, recited to you. HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): (OFF-MIKE) JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): No, no. This is part of the process. HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): No, this is not part of the process. JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): No, this is part of the process. HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Anyway, why are you worried? I will come again before you with the presence of the lawyers, and you will be giving me all of these documents again. So why should we rush any action now and make mistakes because of rushed and hasty decisions or actions? JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): No, this is not a hasty decision- making now. I'm just investigating. And we need to conclude and seal the minutes. HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): No, I will sign when the lawyers are present. JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Then you can leave. HUSSEIN (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Finished? JUDGE (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Yes. END

Reuters 2 July 2004 Powell Says Saddam Assumed as Innocent in Trial By REUTERS Published: July 2, 2004 Filed at 6:43 a.m. ET JAKARTA (Reuters) - Secretary of State Colin Powell said on Friday former Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein should be assumed to be innocent in his trial. ``The people of the world should watch carefully, listen carefully,'' Powell said in his first comments on the judicial process against Saddam and 11 former aides that began on Thursday in Baghdad. Advertisement ``Assume he's innocent if you will, and let's assume that, and let the Iraqi people through their courts decide,'' Powell said in an interview with Indonesian television channel RCTI on the sidelines of an Asian security meeting in Jakarta. ``You will see a new kind of justice in Iraq and I hope the people of the world and all Indonesians will measure it that way,'' he said. He contrasted the trial of Saddam with someone facing the justice system during Saddam's rule. ``Can you imagine what it was like two years ago if he had arrested somebody? Do you think that person would have been considered innocent?'' he asked. ``That person would have been in a grave by now.'' A still defiant Saddam was brought in chains before an Iraqi judge to hear charges that could lead to a trial for war crimes and genocide. Apart from the invasion of Kuwait, the preliminary charges against Saddam referred to the suppression of Kurdish and Shi'ite revolts after the 1991 Gulf War, poison gas attacks and other massacres of Kurds, the killing of religious leaders in 1974 and the killing of political figures over three decades. Similar hearings were held for 11 of Saddam's former aides, including Tareq Aziz, his main voice to the world, Saddam's half-brothers and his cousin Ali Hassan al-Majid, known as ``Chemical Ali'' for his suspected role in using poison gas. The U.S. military handed the 12 men over to Iraqi legal custody on Wednesday, but will continue to guard them.

BBC 2 July, 2004, Arab troops and the Iraq dilemma By Magdi Abdelhadi BBC Arab affairs analyst A senior Iraqi official has said it is unlikely a Jordanian offer to send troops to Iraq would be accepted. Photos of Iraq's ex-leader and Jordan's king in an Amman shop The deputy foreign minister, Hamid al-Bayati, told the BBC Iraq would accept troops from Arab states but not those from its immediate neighbours. Mr Bayati said the Iraqi Prime Minister, Ayad Allawi, has already written to Egypt, Bahrain and the Sultanate of Oman asking them to contribute troops to Iraq. The three countries, unlike Jordan, Turkey, Syria, Iran and Saudi Arabia, do not share a border with Iraq. Mr Bayati told the BBC Iraq's immediate neighbours have their own interests in his country and that, as he put it, may "complicate the situation" further in Iraq. Disagreement The idea of deploying troops from Muslim countries in Iraq has been on the cards for some time. It is based on the assumption that such troops would be more sensitive to Iraqi culture and for that reason, Iraqis would be less hostile to them. But when the idea was floated last year it produced mixed reactions from within Iraq itself. The Iraqi Governing Council - which has now been replaced by the Interim Government - could not agree. Those against the plan expressed views similar to the one stated by Mr Bayati. They feared neighbouring countries would use their troops to further their own agendas at the expense of Iraqi national interests. Suspicion The Kurds in particular were worried by the prospect of Turkish troops deployed anywhere near their semi-autonomous region in the north. King Abdullah (far right) said Jordan would send troops if asked Turkey is opposed to granting greater autonomy to the Iraqi Kurds; and the Kurds fear that Turkey may use such troops to curb Kurdish ambitions. The Iraqi fear also betrays a suspicion that Iraq's immediate neighbours are wary of the prospect of a new, prosperous and democratic Iraq and that they may use their troops to thwart that ambition. Arab governments were also sceptical to the proposals that emerged as Iraqi insurgents stepped up their attacks on coalition troops last year. Hostile public These governments were opposed to the war on Iraq and they suspected that the proposals were designed to help the Americans to quell the insurgency. That is particularly problematic for Arab leaders because large sectors of their population regard it not as an insurgency but as a legitimate Iraqi resistance to foreign occupation. Now that power has been transferred to the Iraqis, Arab governments that were willing to send troops to Iraq may try to present the issue to its public as way of helping a brotherly Arab state. But it seems unlikely that Arab public opinion would be swayed by this argument. Nor is it certain that the Iraqis would overcome their reluctance to involve their immediate neighbours in their internal affairs. At this stage, many Iraqis feel that the best contribution their neighbours can make to stability in Iraq is to prevent Arab fighters from crossing into their country.

AFP 8 Jul 2004 Nearly 400 Iraqis killed in deadly June: ministry BAGHDAD, July 8 (AFP) - Nearly 400 Iraqis were killed and many more wounded last month as violence spiked ahead of Iraq regaining sovereignty, according health ministry figures released Thursday. June saw 388 people killed and 1,680 wounded in attacks, military operations and armed clashes ahead of the June 28 handover of power, the ministry said. Despite a brief lull in the bloodshed after the transfer, 120 Iraqis have been killed and 354 wounded in the past 10 days. Prime Minister Iyad Allawi endorsed Wednesday a new "national safety law" that grants him sweeping powers to declare a state of emergency in troubled regions, slap down curfews and demand arrest warrants.

www.guardian.co.uk PM admits graves claim 'untrue' Peter Beaumont, foreign affairs editor Sunday July 18, 2004 The Observer Downing Street has admitted to The Observer that repeated claims by Tony Blair that '400,000 bodies had been found in Iraqi mass graves' is untrue, and only about 5,000 corpses have so far been uncovered. The claims by Blair in November and December of last year, were given widespread credence, quoted by MPs and widely published, including in the introduction to a US government pamphlet on Iraq's mass graves. In that publication - Iraq's Legacy of Terror: Mass Graves produced by USAID, the US government aid distribution agency, Blair is quoted from 20 November last year: 'We've already discovered, just so far, the remains of 400,000 people in mass graves.' On 14 December Blair repeated the claim in a statement issued by Downing Street in response to the arrest of Saddam Hussein and posted on the Labour party website that: 'The remains of 400,000 human beings [have] already [been] found in mass graves.' The admission that the figure has been hugely inflated follows a week in which Blair accepted responsibility for charges in the Butler report over the way in which Downing Street pushed intelligence reports 'to the outer limits' in the case for the threat posed by Iraq. Downing Street's admission comes amid growing questions over precisely how many perished under Saddam's three decades of terror, and the location of the bodies of the dead. The Baathist regime was responsible for massive human rights abuses and murder on a large scale - not least in well-documented campaigns including the gassing of Halabja, the al-Anfal campaign against Kurdish villages and the brutal repression of the Shia uprising - but serious questions are now emerging about the scale of Saddam Hussein's murders. It comes amid inflation from an estimate by Human Rights Watch in May 2003 of 290,000 'missing' to the latest claims by the Iraqi Prime Minister, Iyad Allawi, that one million are missing. At the heart of the questions are the numbers so far identified in Iraq's graves. Of 270 suspected grave sites identified in the last year, 55 have now been examined, revealing, according to the best estimates that The Observer has been able to obtain, around 5,000 bodies. Forensic examination of grave sites has been hampered by lack of security in Iraq, amid widespread complaints by human rights organisations that until recently the graves have not been secured and protected. While some sites have contained hundreds of bodies - including a series around the town of Hilla and another near the Saudi border - others have contained no more than a dozen. And while few have any doubts that Saddam's regime was responsible for serious crimes against humanity, the exact scale of those crimes has become increasingly politicised in both Washington and London as it has become clearer that the case against Iraq for retention of weapons of mass destruction has faded. The USAID website, which quotes Blair's 400,000 assertion, states: 'If these numbers prove accurate, they represent a crime against humanity surpassed only by the Rwandan genocide of 1994, Pol Pot's Cambodian killing fields in the 1970s, and the Nazi Holocaust of World War II.' It is an issue that Human Rights Watch was acutely aware of when it compiled its own pre-invasion research - admitting that it had to reduce estimates for the al-Anfal campaign produced by Kurds by over a third, as they believed the numbers they had been given were inflated. Hania Mufti, one of the researchers that produced that estimate, said: 'Our estimates were based on estimates. The eventual figure was based in part on circumstantial information gathered over the years.' A further difficulty, according to Inforce, a group of British forensic experts in mass grave sites based at Bournemouth University who visited Iraq last year, was in the constant over-estimation of site sizes by Iraqis they met. 'Witnesses were often likely to have unrealistic ideas of the numbers of people in grave areas that they knew about,' said Jonathan Forrest. 'Local people would tell us of 10,000s of people buried at single grave sites and when we would get there they would be in multiple hundreds.' A Downing Street spokesman said: 'While experts may disagree on the exact figures, human rights groups, governments and politicians across the world have no doubt that Saddam killed hundreds of thousands of his own people and their remains are buried in sites throughout Iraq.'

Al-Ahram Weekly weekly.ahram.org.eg 15 - 21 July 2004 Issue No. 699 What do the Kurds want? Prominent Kurdish politician Mehmud Osman writes about the concerns and aspirations of Iraq's Kurdish population Following the ousting of former President Saddam Hussein's regime, the Iraqis have been faced with a new reality on the ground, one that has since been dominated by the difficulties wrought by the United States-led occupation. And although it is well-nigh impossible to assess a period of 14 months in one article, I believe the Americans have made many mistakes in the post-war period. They have failed in their attempt to rule the country, and have instead added new complexities to an already difficult situation. The Americans would have been better off had they allowed the Iraqis to rule the country themselves right after the war ended. The Interim Governing Council (IGC) -- of which I was a member until it was dissolved -- was not a successful experiment because it lacked the powers it needed in order to be able to function independently from the occupation authorities. As far as my own prerogatives are concerned, I joined the IGC in order to represent the Kurds, and I think it safe to say that during our term the Kurdish members tried hard to work with their fellow Iraqis. I think one of the major fruits of such cooperation was the agreement reached between the IGC's Kurdish and Arab members on the Transitional Administrative Law (TAL), issued last March, which recognised the Kurdish language as official, and supporting federalism as an accepted political order in post- war Iraq -- therefore preserving the Kurdish rights for self-rule. But most importantly, the law also rendered it possible to expose and eliminate the policies of ethnic cleansing which were followed by the previous regime. In all, the law addressed many long-standing Kurdish concerns, while constituting a good step towards a national reconciliation between Iraq's two major ethnic groups -- the Kurds and the Arabs. It includes a complete bill of rights. The law is good for both the Kurds and for all others in Iraq because it is based on the idea of having a secular Iraq state in which people will have their rights respected, not violated. At the same time it guarantees the preservation of Iraqi unity -- not by force, but through understanding and cooperation. The TAL was supposed to be supported by the United Nations Security Council, but Resolution 1546 -- proposed by Britain and the US -- failed to recognise the law at all. This added to the Kurds' disillusionment with recent US policy in Iraq in general. This sense was clearly manifested in the joint memo written by the two Kurdish leaders Masut Barzani and Jalal Talabani to US President George W Bush last month in protest of the occupation authority's failure to include the law in the UN resolution. This act of protest led to the Kurds being portrayed in a very negative light, especially in the Arab press. I believe that many misperceptions about the Kurds are propagated by the media, when all that this group has been asking for is that its rights must be respected and the history of its oppression must be taken into account in working out the final status and political structure of Iraq. Meanwhile, we are working to ensure that a united and peaceful Iraq emerges from this dark period and that the occupation of our country comes to an end. We also want to see that government gradually regains control of the country and take us to the first general elections, and eventually form a permanent constitution which ensures that the rights of all Iraqi citizens will be respected and put into effect. Our more immediate concerns, however, also have to do with the policies of two of Iraq's neighbours, namely Turkey and Iran. Though they may not wish to admit it, the two countries have problems with their Kurdish populations. Based on the difficulties facing Kurds in those states, it seems legitimate to be concerned about any possible Turkish or Iranian meddling in Iraq's internal affairs. For these states think that the Kurds represent a threat to their own national unity and security, and are thus wary of any attempt by Kurds across the region to improve their lot. But what the Kurds really want is to have their long-standing problems settled once and for all. The legacy of Saddam's regime needs to be redressed, and the history of oppression balanced. The situation in Kirkuk is indicative of a widespread problem: the Kurds who were forced to leave their homes almost 20 years ago want to go back again, while the Arab residents do not want to leave a place they have been living in for so long. In order to address such problems in a fair and just manner, the Iraqi government ought to run a census in those areas so that their fate can be decided in a democratic way. To those who are sceptical of Kurdish intentions in Iraq, perhaps it should be emphasised that when we talk of federalism in Iraq, we do not necessarily mean to imply that the Iraqi Kurds have separatist tendencies. After all, the Kurds have already been quasi-independent from the central government in Baghdad for the past decade. It was only after Saddam's fall that the Kurds returned to Baghdad, and that was because we wanted to become involved in Iraq's fight for national unity, but on an electoral basis. According to our understanding of federalism, the central government would be responsible for all issues relating to national sovereignty. In other words, there would be one army, one foreign policy, one Iraq. But within this Iraq there would be a recognised Kurdish entity. There would be no separation, and federalism would only constitute a channel leading up to the achievement of a true and fair unity among Iraqis, rather than a force of division. Another issue which stirred a heated debate -- particularly in the Arab press -- and led many commentators to question the Kurds' political agenda was the claim about an Israeli presence in Iraqi Kurdistan. As far as I know -- and I would have reason to know, given that I have close contacts with the governments in the two states -- there are no Israelis in Iraqi Kurdistan. Indeed, during the 1960s and 1970s, we did have a relationship with the Israelis, but this relationship was quickly shown up to be both detrimental to our interests as Kurds and outright dangerous, and therefore it is clear that we do not want to maintain it. I think such claims have originated from agents seeking to drive a wedge between the Arabs -- particularly in Syria -- and the Kurds. Some of this propaganda may have come from Israel itself. We have always welcomed all those seeking to find out for themselves to come to Kurdistan and verify that there truly is no such association. And if there were, the Kurds would have admitted it. In any case, it seems clear to me that there are much more pressing issues facing Iraq right now. The main problems emanate from the legacy of Saddam's regime and from the occupation of Iraq. Americans troops are still stationed in the country. The violence has by no means subsided. When qualifying the situation in Iraq, one has to be very careful. Those movements which use violent methods in order to further their cause are by no means homogeneous. As far as I can see, they include foreign terrorists who mainly target Iraqi civilians, police and corporations. The second group is basically composed of those who were privileged during the Saddam years and are seeking to reinstate the old order. Finally, there are groups of disaffected Iraqis who are simply opposed to the occupation, and their acts of resistance are a natural reaction to the situation that they find their country faced with. They neither belong to Saddam's camp nor to Al-Qaeda. I believe that dialogue should be established with the resistance factions, and that in order for a secure peace to be established in Iraq, their members should be granted amnesty and a sincere attempt should be made at integrating them into the ongoing political process. For what Iraq needs now, more than anything else, is to press on with its process of national reconciliation. This is the only way to bring stability to the country, and to prepare the ground for a new, democratic Iraq. Mehmud Osman was formerly chief adviser to the Kurdish leader Mustafa Barzani. In 1975, he left the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) to form the Kurdish Socialist Party of Iraq. He is now an independent Kurdish politician, and was a vocal member of the now dissolved Iraqi Governing Council. The column is based on an interview with Al-Ahram Weekly.

Israel

Yad Vashem calls for action on Darfur By DPA Yad Vashem urged world leaders yesterday to take "immediate concerted action to halt the tragedy" in the Darfur region of western Sudan "before it devolves further." In a statement, the Holocaust memorial authority urged leaders "to provide effective humanitarian aid to the region and to punish the perpetrators of the heinous crimes that are being committed there." Darfur, an area larger than France, has for years been riven by tensions between the black African and Arab populations. An escalation in the conflict in recent months has seen up to 30,000 people killed and around 1.2 million forced from their homes by government-backed Arab Janjaweed militias. The situation has been described as the world's worst humanitarian crisis. "The aggregate of news reports about the situation in Darfur indicates that the escalating humanitarian crisis includes aspects of ethnic cleansing and perhaps even genocide," the statement said. "It is imperative that we learn the lesson of past failures to respond in time to evolving genocidal evil," the statement added, noting the world had been slow to respond to news of the Nazi genocide of the Jews, or the "unrestrained genocide" that took place in Rwanda in the 1990s.

UN News Centre 12 July 2004 www0.un.org/News/ UN envoy condemns killing of Palestinian civilians in recent days Mr. Roed-Larsen briefs reporters 12 July 2004 – The top United Nations envoy for the Middle East, Terje Roed-Larsen, today condemned the rash of killings of Palestinian civilians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip over the past few days. A statement released by the office of the UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process said Mr. Roed-Larsen was "particularly disturbed" by the killing this morning of 70-year-old wheelchair-bound Mahmoud Halfalla in Khan Yunis. "The Special Coordinator sends his sincere sympathy and condolences to the families of the victims and calls on the Government of Israel to abide by its obligation under international humanitarian law to avoid the use of disproportionate force in densely populated areas and to protect the civilian population," the statement said. Mr. Roed-Larsen is scheduled to deliver the regular monthly briefing to the Security Council on the situation in the Middle East tomorrow.

IsraelNN.com 18 July 2004 Yad Vashem Calls for Immediate Action in Darfur The following statement was released by Yad Vashem today. Yad Vashem has been following reports from Darfur, Sudan with growing concern and urges the world to act before it is too late. The aggregate of news reports about the situation in Darfur indicates that the escalating humanitarian crisis includes aspects of ethnic cleansing and perhaps even genocide. During the era of the Holocaust the world was slow to respond to news about the murder of six million Jews. In the 1990s, unrestrained genocide occurred in Rwanda with little or no international acknowledgement of it until after it had ended. It is imperative that we learn the lesson from past failures to respond in time to evolving, genocidal evil. Yad Vashem urges the leaders of the nations of the world to take immediate concerted action to halt the tragedy in Darfur before it devolves further, to provide effective humanitarian aid to the region and to punish the perpetrators of the heinous crimes that are being committed there.

Japan See Guam and Taiwan

Pakistan

BBC 21 July, 2004 Pakistan army 'killing farmers' Farmers are being brutalised, says the report Pakistani troops are killing and torturing farmers who refuse to give up their land rights to the army, a leading human rights group says. Human Rights Watch says paramilitary forces working with soldiers and police are guilty of "brutal repression" of tenant farmers in Punjab province. It accuses security forces of four extra-judicial killings in 2002-2003 in the campaign to acquire land. A military spokesman denied the allegations, saying they were baseless. Villages 'besieged' The 54-page report by the New York-based watchdog accuses paramilitary forces of subjecting tens of thousands of farmers to a campaign of murder, arbitrary detention and torture. Four extra-judicial killings between January 2002 and May 2003 took place as part of attempts to coerce the farmers into compliance Human Rights Watch report On two occasions, the paramilitaries literally besieged villages, preventing people, food and public services from entering or leaving for weeks on end, it says. "Pakistan's military and paramilitary forces are brutalising their own people in the Punjab instead of protecting them," said Brad Adams, executive director of Human Rights Watch's Asia Division. At the heart of the dispute are tens of thousands of acres of fertile state-owned land in Okara district. It is owned by the provincial government but managed by the army under an agreement struck with the old British colonial powers early last century. The farmers began a fight for ownership of the land they have tilled for decades two years ago. Human Rights Watch says its report is based on more than 100 interviews with tenant farmers, their children and some of those who carried out the alleged abuses. 'No truth' in report Pakistan's government has denied similar accusations in the past - notably in 2002 when the army was accused of forcing farmers to sign new tenancy contracts. On Wednesday, the army's top spokesman said there was "no truth" in the report. "People can go and visit and see for themselves what's happening there," Major-General Shaukat Sultan told Reuters news agency. A senior military officer from Okara also denied the claims, saying there had been no manhandling or torture. He said the claims were propaganda used by non-government organisations to politicise the issue. He also said collectively the farmers owed the military $3.5m in unpaid dues under existing contracts.

Saudi Arabia

ICG 14 July 2004 Can Saudi Arabia Reform Itself? The recent surge in anti-Western and anti-regime violence highlights Saudi Arabia's urgent need for reform. The Saudi regime, fearful of change and accustomed to its enormous power and privilege, may not be able or willing to take the necessary steps. Security measures to curb the violence must be the first line of defence, but in the longer term, the challenge is to marginalise the violent opposition without alienating the broader conservative constituency. An effort is needed to outline a timetable for implementation of a comprehensive agenda that addresses several core issues: broadening civic and political participation, empowering state institutions; and curbing regime abuses. Ultimately, genuine stability must be anchored in a strategy that marries security measures with social, political, and institutional reform. ICG reports and briefing papers are available on our website: www.icg.org

South Korea

BBC 18 July, 2004,Seoul man 'admits killing spree' TV footage showed the suspect with police as bodies were unearthed A South Korean man has confessed to killing 19 people - many of them women who worked as masseuses or bar hostesses, police say. Yoo Young-chul, 33, was taken under heavy guard to a site near a mountain temple in northern Seoul where police have unearthed 11 bodies. He was arrested in connection with killings from last September to July that spread panic in Seoul. Police said Yoo, an epileptic, had a hatred of women and the rich. The suspect has 14 previous convictions, including rape and theft. He was released from prison last year. He was arrested early on Thursday following an attack on a masseuse in southern Seoul. He escaped from custody after police unlocked his handcuffs but was re-arrested on Friday. Investigators believe Yoo lured female victims to his room and bludgeoned them to death with a hammer after having sex with them. He then allegedly used axes, knives and scissors to cut them into pieces. Hatred "He has strong hatred towards wealthy people, women and society," said Seoul police chief Huh Joon-young, adding that Yoo became "mentally unstable" after his marriage broke down in 2002 while he was in prison. Police vowed to recover all the victims' bodies. "We will concentrate all our efforts so that we can promptly identify the victims and deliver the bodies to their families," said the police chief. Yoo's wife, herself a former masseuse, lives with their 11-year-old son. Police said Yoo had tried to kill himself before he was captured, and hundreds of sleeping pills had been found in his bag.

Sri Lanka

30 Jun 2004 Norway fails to break deadlock in Sri Lanka negotiations COLOMBO, June 30 (AFP) - Norwegian peace brokers failed to reach a breakthrough Wednesday in the latest bid to restart peace talks in Sri Lanka with Tamil Tiger rebels warning that the entire process was in jeopardy. Special envoy Erik Solheim led a Norwegian team that held talks with the Tiger leadership in the rebel-held north on reviving negotiations which have been suspended since April last year. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) said it expressed concern over deteriorating security in the island's troubled east and warned of dangers to the Norwegian-brokered truce in place since February 2002. "If this situation is allowed to continue it will jeopardise the ceasefire agreement and the entire peace process," the LTTE's political wing leader S.P. Thamilselvan said, as quoted by the Tigers' peace secretariat website. It quoted Solheim as saying he was committed to bringing the parties to the table but admitting he had made little headway. "There is no major breakthrough I can speak of at the moment, but we as facilitators are working hard to bring both the parties to the negotiating table soon," Solheim was quoted as saying. Solheim is due to hold talks in Colombo with Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse and President Chandrika Kumaratunga before leaving Thursday, diplomats said. A similar mission by Solheim failed in May amid a dispute over the scope of the agenda for future negotiations. The Tigers have launched a boycott of truce monitoring meetings with the Sri Lankan military until government forces end their alleged harbouring of V. Muralitharan, a breakaway rebel leader in the east. Sri Lanka has admitted elements in the military backed Muralitharan, also known as Karuna, who went underground in April after the LTTE leadership crushed his unprecedented split.

Voice of America 25 Jul 2004 New violence threatens Sri Lanka peace effort Anjana Pasricha New Delhi, 25 Jul 2004, 12:40 UTC - In Sri Lanka, eight people believed to be supporters of a breakaway rebel faction have been killed. Meanwhile, Norwegian mediators launched a fresh bid to salvage a peace process threatened by growing violence. Police say the men were shot dead in a suburb of the capital, Colombo, in a posh building believed to be a safe house of a breakaway Tamil Tiger rebel faction. The main Tamil Tiger group said those killed were supporters of a renegade commander, V. Muralitharan, popularly known as Karuna. They said a Sri Lankan military intelligence official was also among the dead. Police denied that. Karuna led a split in the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eeelam in March, and went into hiding weeks later, after disbanding the combatants under him. Since then there have been clashes between the two groups, mostly in the east of the country, where Karuna commands support. There has been no claim of responsibility for the latest attack, but suspicion has fallen on the main rebel group, which was the first to report the killings. The latest violence erupted as Norwegian mediators, led by Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgesen, arrived in Colombo in a fresh bid to restart a peace process that was launched more than two-years ago to end the country's civil war. Initial optimism that the peace process will end the ethnic conflict has been replaced with fears that the escalating violence may threaten the country's fragile truce. There have been no talks between the government and the rebels in more than a year, although a cease-fire is holding. Efforts to get the two sides to the negotiating table have been complicated by the split in the rebel group. The Tigers say the Sri Lankan army is aiding the breakaway faction in a bid to weaken their movement. The government denies the charge. Before arriving in Sri Lanka, Norwegian diplomats said there is little confidence between the two sides, but efforts will be made to move the peace process forward. Mr. Helgesen will meet rebel leaders and Sri Lanka's president and prime minister in the coming days. The Tamil Tigers want wide autonomy in the rebel-controlled north and east of the island. The conflict erupted two decades ago, with complaints that the majority Sinhalese community was discriminating against the minority Tamils.

www.colombopage.com 27 July 2004 Government condemns Sunday massacre Tuesday, July 27, 2004, 12:39 GMT, ColomboPage News Desk, Sri Lanka. "This undisguised act of terror was first disclosed TamilNet website, before the police were notified of the murders." July 27, Colombo: The Sri Lankan government yesterday condemned the brutal murder of eight unidentified persons in Kottawa on Sunday. Issuing a statement, the government said, “This undisguised act of terror was first disclosed on the TamilNet website, before the police were notified of the murders. While the police investigations will reveal the identity of the murder victims and the perpetrators, it is clear that this sort of terrorist violence does not conform to the spirit and the letter of the ceasefire agreement and does not augur well for the smooth commencement of direct negotiations between the Government and the LTTE. “The Government repeats its firm determination to maintain law and order and to take necessary action in accordance with the international norms against the scourge of terrorism that continues to affect Sri Lanka and other countries,” it said.

Taiwan

www.zmag.org 27 July 2004 Yasukuni Shrine and the Double Genocide of Taiwan's Indigenous Atayal: new court verdict ......... by Tanaka Nobumasa July 27, 2004 [Who enshrines the dead? A widely held international principle, that surviving family members determine the disposition of the dead, including those who die in combat, is being tested anew in Japanese courts. Nearly 50,000 Taiwanese and Korean soldiers who died in Japanese uniforms have been enshrined at Yasukuni Shrine without consultation with family members. On May 13, 2004, the Osaka District Court issued its verdict in one of seven lawsuits filed in response to Prime Minister Koizumi Jun'ichiro's pilgrimages to Yasukuni Shrine. It was the first case to address Japan's oppression of indigenous peoples and their mandatory enshrinement at Yasukuni during the nation's colonial rule of Taiwan (1895-1945). Chief Justice Yoshikawa Shin'ichi not only dismissed the plaintiffs' petition for reparations, but also came up with a novel way of judging whether the Prime Minister's pilgrimages are public or private.] At a courthouse press conference, Ms. Chiwas Ari of the indigenous Atayal people, one of the 236 plaintiffs, denounced the verdict in the strongest terms while, in her dark eyes, a tear welled up that rolled slowly in a line down her cheek. As she spoke facing straight ahead and looking directly at the audience before her, this tear poignantly expressed the rage of indigenous Taiwanese at the court's disregard for the deep wounds that remain today from the painful legacy of Japan's colonial rule. Rescuing the Prime Minister, Abandoning the Victims The verdict in the Taiwan Case was the fourth to be handed down among the six Yasukuni litigation cases tried in district courts nationwide between November, 2001 and February, 2003. The Osaka District Court had ruled in February, 2004 on an earlier case which, together with the Taiwan Case, are called the Asia Cases. The judges decided then, and in another case heard in Shikoku in March, that the Prime Minister's pilgrimages to Yasukuni were not unconstitutional. Only in the Yamaguchi Case, heard in Fukuoka, did the judges rule in April that the pilgrimages were unconstitutional. But, in all three cases, the courts dismissed the plaintiffs' claims for reparations. Along with the constitutionality of the Prime Minister's pilgrimages, the most important issues in the Yasukuni Cases are how to recognize legally the pain and suffering these pilgrimages cause the plaintiffs, and how to provide relief. In particular, litigation in which the plaintiffs are victims of colonialism and aggression tests the capacity of judges to comprehend, from plaintiffs' testimony, how the physical and psychological effects they suffer persist to this day. It is a principle of individual religious freedom that the manner in which war dead are remembered and mourned, or memorialized in religious observances, should be determined by the values and beliefs of the deceased and their relatives. Before and during the war when Japan was officially a "Shinto nation," the government used its power to violate this freedom. In order to safeguard this fragile right of individual religious freedom from the power of the state, the postwar constitution included Article XIII (respect for the individual), Article XIX (freedom of belief and conscience), Article XX, Paragraph 1 (freedom of religion), and Paragraph 3 (prohibiting the practice of a state religion). The plaintiffs in the Taiwan Case maintained that the Prime Minister's pilgrimages violated religious freedom, inflicting legally indemnifiable injury on them. They sought reparations based on Article 1 of the Government Compensation Law and Article 709 of the Civil Code, which, they explained, Yasukuni Shrine had violated as a legally incorporated religious institution by permitting Koizumi to make pilgrimages there. The verdict gave these reasons for dismissing their petition: (1) the Prime Minister's pilgrimages did not constitute official acts as chief cabinet minister; (2) consequently, there were no grounds for compensation; and (3) since Koizumi's pilgrimages had not brought coercion on the plaintiffs or interfered with their interests, these interests had not been legally infringed upon. The crux of this judgment hinged on whether or not the Prime Minister's pilgrimages are official acts. Of course, they are generally understood to be pilgrimages of the government's chief cabinet officer. That is why they have sparked international protests and an unprecedented series of lawsuits in several Japanese localities against the current Prime Minister. Yet the judges in the Taiwan Case devised an intermediate category for him which is said to cover those "actions attendant upon the rank of chief cabinet officer," and which supposedly falls somewhere in between the official functions of state and private acts. According to their verdict, this is where Koizumi's pilgrimages belong. The judges avoided ruling on the issue of constitutionality by claiming to have calculated the degree to which his pilgrimages involve the national government, and to have concluded that they are not official functions. This newly devised concept of "actions attendant upon the rank of chief cabinet officer" recalls political theory and discourse that recognized the emperor's participation in the affairs of state as constitutional, and permitted "the emperor to act as a symbol of the nation." It can only create ambiguity about the official acts of a Prime Minister. In practical terms, such hairsplitting between what is public and private only increases the danger of concealing the true nature of the Prime Minister's pilgrimages. Urabe Noriho, Professor of Constitutional Law at Nagoya University, warned that "fixating on such hairsplitting distinctions between public and private blinds us to the pilgrimages' true nature. Though he may have used a private car, made monetary offerings from his own pocket, and conducted the ceremony in an informal manner, the Prime Minister's pilgrimage to a religious institution is nothing other than the religious act of a public official." (Asahi Shimbun, April 8, 2004, morning edition) The Osaka verdict was obviously a bit of trickery contrived to rescue Koizumi from the bind the Fukuoka verdict had put him in. This, despite the fact that it is the indigenous people of Taiwan, with deep wounds inflicted by Japan's colonial rule, who should be provided relief. Judges' Decision Pours Salt in Deep Wounds "Do all of you know the history of Taiwan's indigenous people?" asked Chiwas Ari at the post-verdict press conference. "Please look at this book of photographs we brought here today." The title of the book was Valley of Silence. The photograph on the page she opened to sent shock waves through the room. A Japanese soldier wielding a military sword had just beheaded a captured Taiwanese aborigine. "These photographs were taken to show ‘meritorious service' in Japan's army. The beheaded man is one of our Atayal ancestors." She paused in silence for a time, then continued. "From 1911 to 1915 the Japanese colonial rulers in Taiwan carried out a policy of ‘native control,' killing indigenous people, seizing their possessions, and burning their homes if they did not submit to Japanese rule. Their surviving children were indoctrinated in a program of ‘education for native youth' (that is, education to make them Japanese imperial subjects) and, as soon as they were old enough, they were sent to South Pacific battlefields in units called ‘Takasago patriot brigades.' Those who died in the fighting were automatically enshrined at Yasukuni. If you ask me, this is genocide spanning two generations." For most of us at the press conference, knowledge of the indigenous people's history barely extended to the Wushe Incident of October, 1930, their final resistance to Japanese rule. We knew that continuing protests against the Prime Minister's Yasukuni pilgrimages have come from the governments and people in China, South Korea, and elsewhere in Asia, but not from the government or people of Taiwan. Why, we wondered, had the plaintiffs in this case come from Taiwan and filed suit as indigenous people? Born in 1965, Chiwas Ari is a former singer and actress elected to the Taiwan Legislature (corresponding to Japan's Diet) in December of 2001. "I wanted to work for the restoration of indigenous people's rights." One day a friend who runs a bookstore for old Japanese books showed her two recently purchased albums of photographs taken by the Japanese army. "I remember well the first time I saw the photograph that shows the beheading of an Atayal ancestor. My whole body started shaking and my blood seemed to reverse direction as my tears poured out." In Taiwan, most of the approximately 450,000 among the twelve groups of indigenous peoples don't know the history of Japan's colonial rule. "This is because their history was stolen from them," says Chiwas Ari. She planned the publication of selected photographs from the two albums as the book Valley of Silence, and also arranged a traveling exhibition of the photographs so that indigenous peoples could retrieve this history. Many expressed shock and outrage to learn about it for the first time, which also motivated the plaintiffs in Taiwan to file suit. People came to know the humiliating realities of colonial rule, massacres, thorough indoctrination to be Japanese imperial subjects, dying in a war "for the sake of emperor and nation," and enshrinement as aggressors at Yasukuni, the shrine that glorifies wars of aggression. "For our ancestors to be enshrined in that place where Prime Minister Koizumi goes to pay homage and thank the war dead for Japan's peace and prosperity--this is an unbearable insult." In August of 2002, Chiwas Ari traveled with other indigenous people to Yasukuni Shrine and requested the removal of these enshrinements. The brusque refusal of shrine officials could be said to inflict further injury. 27,863 Taiwanese and 21,181 Koreans are enshrined there. For those subjected to Japanese colonial rule, what is unequivocally at issue in the Yasukuni Cases is Japan's wartime and postwar culpability. Had the judges in the Taiwan Case considered the extensive testimony and overwhelming factual evidence presented to them and understood its implications for the present, surely they would have offered the victims a helping hand. Providing relief for the ravages of colonial rule and wartime aggression is a fundamental postwar responsibility. Instead, they rescued the victimizers and abandoned the victims. At the meeting held on the afternoon of their verdict, Chiwas Ari offered these words before returning to Taiwan. "Maybe the judges think Taiwan is still a colony of Japan. But we will continue the fight to realize our modest claims." This article appeared in Shukan Kinyobi May 21, 2004 (No. 508), pp. 44-45. Tanaka Nobumasa is a non-fiction writer and author of the prize-winning book The People Who Recover the Constitution. Steve Rabson translated this article for Japan Focus. He is associate professor of East Asian Studies, Brown University, the author of Righteous Cause or Tragic Folly: Changing Views of War in Modern Japanese Poetry, and a translator of modern Okinawan literature. Related cases involving Prime Ministerial visits to Yasukuni and court cases demanding reparations for unresolved World War II issues are discussed in Japan Focus articles by Umehara Takeshi, Tanaka Nobumasa, and Yoshibumi Wakamiya.

Europe

Trans-European Roma Federation (UK) 1 July 2004 Ustiben report by Grattan Puxon ROMA VICTIMS REMEMBERED At a time of rising anti-Gypsy racism and a hardly diminishing toll of neo-Nazi attacks on Roma communities, it is perhaps well that we try again to learn some lessons from the horrors of the Holocaust. The worldwide Commemoration of Roma Victims, taking place on 1 and 2 August, hopes to bring home the message that far from an "asocial" problem-group, as defined by Hitler, Roma are today a fast awakening nation demanding recognition and rights. With Romani organisations in some forty countries taking part, it is expected to be the largest yet collective act of remembrance. Roma of all faiths will be participating in memorial services and meetings to mark the 60th anniversary of the destruction of the Zigeunerlager at Auschwitz on the night of 2 and 3 August, l944. The commemoration, promoted with the assistance of the Trans-European Roma Federation, ERIO and others, will pay respects to all who died in the Holocaust and to the victims of present-day pogroms and ethnic-cleansing. In Brussels, several thousand Roma, including many Muslim refugees from former Yugoslavia, will hear both Christian and Muslim leaders call for further effort in the movement towards full emacipation and realisation of basic human rights. "In recalling the final desperate fight of those who died in Auschwitz," said Imer Kajtazi, president, Romani Union of Former Yugoslavia in the Diaspora. "I shall speak of all those who have died since - the victims of ethnic-cleansing in Kosovo and elsewhere. And I shall call upon all activists to renew our struggle in their name." Some 300 such deaths have so far been documented by the URYD, TERF and other groups, for the period from l989, which effectively marked the end of communism in Eastern Europe. But the figure for Europe as a whole, including that for former Yugoslavia, is believed to be twice as high. Two commemorations are planned for Britain, the largest taking place at the Life & Light Convention at Penrith, Cumbria, where some 4,000 are expected to take part. An exhibition on the Holocaust and present-day evictions in the UK is to be mounted The second venue is in the Glasgow area (details from seamus50@hotmail.com) Berlin, Vienna, Moscow, Belgrade, Amsterdam, Yerevan, Buenos Aires, Skopje, Los Angeles, Tbilisi, Paris, Bordeaux, Cologne, Helsinger, Valetta. Petrosani and Kumanovo are among the many cities and towns where candles will be lit for the commemoration. On Monday, 2 August, a major rally, with Roma and Sinti from many countries making the pilgrimage, will take place on the site of the Zigeunerlager at Auschwitz. Organized by the Association of Polish Roma, this event will climax with a silent march to the former gas chambers where the names of those who perished will be read aloud by young Roma. "For many of our old people this may the last time to come together for such an important commemoration," Romani Rose, of the Central Council of Sinti and Roma in Germany, commented. For more information e-mail TERF at Ustiben.5@ntlworld.com Chairman Ladislav Balaz can be contacted at the offices of the Trans-European Roma Federation and Europe Roma, which have been re-located to: 524 Hertford Road, London, N98AE. UK. www.erionet.org www.rpa.sk

Albania

BBC 23 July, 2004 Albania seeks to compensate political prisoners By Matt Prodger Burell, Albania The Albanian government has passed a law which it hopes will finally settle the vexed issue of compensation for former political prisoners. Thousands of Albanians were jailed, tortured and executed under the isolationist communist government which ruled the country for more than 40 years. Between them Agron Kalaja (left) and Adem Allci spent 48 years in jail The prisoners were released and pardoned more than a decade ago, but many have yet to receive anything at all. Burell prison is a small ramshackle building on a hilltop some two hours drive from the Albanian capital Tirana. Its very name fills former political prisoners with dread. For many years this is the kind of place where those deemed a threat to the communist state were sent to serve their sentences. Just how many is a matter of dispute, but at least 6,000 and as many as 25,000. Among them two men, Adem Allci and Agron Kalaja. Adem has been back to Burell before - there is a plaque in his honour on the prison wall - but for Agron this is the first time in 20 years. Between them they spent 48 years of their lives in prison. Their crimes: spreading propaganda and opposing the collectivisation of Albania's farms. Cheap labour That may sound harsh, but another man spent several years inside for simply owning a cassette by the British singer Joe Cocker. Burell is now a normal prison, but as Adem and Agron peer through the barbed wire, the sight of prisoners in the yard below brings back memories, and silent tears. Some of them don't even know where the bodies of their loved ones are Adem Allci Adem says: "This is nothing but a graveyard and it took the best years of my life. "I was here for 28 years, my family as a whole spent a total of 100 years here. Can you imagine how many families were affected? Some of them don't even know where the bodies of their loved ones are.'' Under the Communists, political prisoners were a source of free labour. They worked in the factories, in the fields, in the mines. They even built Tirana's sports stadium. Many died from hunger and exhaustion. But those that survived are not broken. They are angry. They have staged several protests in the capital Tirana. Many are still waiting for compensation promised them 10 years ago, when a law was passed which entitled them to $30 (£16) for every day in prison. The problem, says the country's Finance Minister Arben Malaj, is that Albania is too poor to pay them. "The compensation they're asking for amounts to $1.2m (£650,000)," he said. "That's an impossible amount for the Albanian budget.'' Souvenirs Under a new law, the government is instead offering them a pension worth a maximum of $50 (£27) a month. What makes the former prisoners even more angry is that Prime Minister Fatos Nano and other senior figures have received compensation. Mr Nano spent a spell in prison in the 1990s when he was convicted for corruption. Political prisoners were forced to build Tirana's sports stadium That conviction was later overturned, Mr Nano took his case for compensation to court, and won. More than a decade after communism, Albania is one of the poorest countries in Europe. And those who were released from jail at the start of the 1990s are some of the worst off. They walked out of the prison gates penniless, often traumatised by the experience. The lucky had extended family to help them out. Back at Burell Prison one cell has been turned into a museum. Filthy mattresses line the floor, the names of the dead are listed on the walls. From a plastic bag, Adem Allci and Agron Kalaja produce their own souvenirs, including the very same manacles which were used to bind them for days on end. They still have the scars on their wrists and ankles. On the wall of the cell there is a photo of Adem when he first arrived at the prison. He was 19. He walked out a free man at 47. And he wants more than his name and picture in a museum as recognition of the years he lost.

Belarus

Interfax 12 July 2004 www.interfax.ru Belarussian Gypsies want recognition as WWII holocaust victims MINSK. July 12 (Interfax-West) - The Gypsy community of Belarus will ask the parliament to recognize Gypsies killed in the World War Two years as holocaust victims, head of the Belarussian Gypsy community Oleg Kozlovsky told Interfax on Monday. "We will initiate discussion of Gypsy genocide in the WWII," he said. "We want Belarussian Gypsies murdered by the Nazis to be recognized as holocaust victims, the same as Jews and people of other nationalities." Kozlovsky said they are collecting historical documents, which will be presented to the parliament. "The search for documents about Gypsies killed in the WWII years is very difficult because Gypsies did not have passports back then. Historians say that about 1% of pre-war Gypsies were left on the Belarussian territory after the WWII," he said. The official Gypsy rate in Belarus is about 57,000-58,000 nowadays, Kozlovsky said. Belarussian Gypsies stopped wandering about 50 years ago and settled in towns. The majority of Belarussian Gypsies reside in the Gomel region," Kozlovsky said.

Bosnia

UNESCO July 2004 Inauguration of Mostar Bridge During the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina the Old Mostar Bridge (Stari Most), dating back to the Ottoman Empire, was destroyed on 9 November 1993 but it has now been completely rebuilt thanks to the scientific and financial support provided by UNESCO, the World Bank, the City of Mostar and donor countries. The new bridge, symbolizing the peace and reconciliation between the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina, will be inaugurated on 23 July by the Director-General of UNESCO, Koïchiro Matsuura, and the President of Bosnia-Herzégovina, Sulejman Tihic, in the presence of a dozen regional Heads of State.

Background article: AP 23 August 2003 Ottoman-era bridge restored as divided city cheers reunion Associated Press MOSTAR, BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA--Workers hoisted the final stone into the central arch of an Ottoman-era bridge Friday, restoring the span that was shattered in Bosnia's war and reuniting an ethnically divided city. Hundreds of Muslims and Croats in Mostar, about 44 miles southwest of Sarajevo, mobbed both sides of the 16th-century bridge for a ceremony despite sweltering 104-degree temperatures. The cheers began as a small crane maneuvered the stone to the span. Built in 1566 during the Ottoman Empire, the elegantly arched bridge became a symbol of unity. Its destruction during the 1992-95 war deepened the split between the Muslims and Croats who share the southern Bosnian city. As Mayor Hamdija Jahic helped put the 456th stone into place, dozens of people broke into applause to celebrate the return of the bridge -- known as "Stari Most." It links Croats living on the western bank of the Neretva River and the Muslims on the eastern side. "This is one of the biggest steps forward for reconciliation and living together in peace," said Mili Tiro, a Bosnian Muslim who works as a musician. Stari Most, which means old bridge, had survived numerous conflicts before 1993, when the Bosnian Croats blasted the sweeping stone arch with tank fire. The attack shattered the structure, scattering slabs of limestone into the Neretva. Reconstruction began in June 2002, after workers extracted the scattered remnants from the riverbed. The bridge was rebuilt with the original stones and new ones. Workers will build a pedestrian walkway, scheduled to be finished in 2004. No one will be able to use the bridge until then. The cost of the project is estimated at $15 million, much of which has been donated by the United States, Turkey, Italy, the Netherlands and Croatia as well as organizations and individuals. The bridge, a regional landmark, had been a protected site by the U.N. Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization.

AFP 9 July 2004 Serbs under fire as Bosnia marks anniversary of Srebrenica massacre SARAJEVO: Bosnia's Muslims on Sunday will mark the ninth anniversary of the Srebrenica massacre, Europe's worst atrocity since World War II, amid outrage over the decision by the country's ethnic Serb president not to attend the commemorations. Up to 20,000 people, including survivors and the families of the dead and missing, are expected to attend a memorial service in Srebrenica, the eastern town where more than 7,000 Muslim men and boys were massacred by Serb forces in 1995. Advertisement But Bosnian Serb President Dragan Cavic has announced he plans that day to attend the inauguration in Belgrade of Serbian President Boris Tadic. For Bosnian Muslims, his refusal to take part in the Srebrenica commemorations is proof that Bosnia's Serbs have still to face the truth of the slaughter, despite Cavic's recent statement that it represented a "black page" in the Serbs' history. "It's shameful and the final proof that his confession of guilt for the murder of our loved ones was not heartfelt acceptance of the truth but the result of international pressure," Sabra Kolenovic, from an association of women survivors of the massacre, told AFP. The Bosnian media has criticised Belgrade's decision to schedule Tadic's inauguration on the ninth anniversary of the genocide, when a joint funeral for 338 victims is to be held at Srebrenica. The victims, aged between 15 and 77, will be buried at a memorial cemetery at the site of the slaughter just outside the town. Their remains were found in mass graves, more than 60 of which have been uncovered in the area since the end of Bosnia's 1992-95 war. So far 989 bodies, identified by DNA analysis, have been buried at the cemetery but there are still more than 5,000 body bags filled with human bones awaiting identification. Cavic became the first Bosnian Serb leader to accept his people's responsibility for the Srebrenica atrocity when he said in a special television broadcast last month that the massacre was a "black page in the history of the Serb people". His comments followed a report by an investigative commission in which the Serb authorities admitted their forces had committed the atrocity. The government in the Serb-run part of Bosnia, the Republika Srpska, had until then denied the extent of the massacre and refused to cooperate with United Nations war crimes investigators or reveal the locations of mass graves. Many Bosnian Serbs continue to question whether the murders ever took place and regard the alleged masterminds, the Serb's wartime political leader Radovan Karadzic and military commander Ratko Mladic, as heroes. The Republika Srpska has come under increasing international pressure lately to arrest Karadzic, who tops the UN war crimes tribunal's most wanted list. He is believed to be hiding in Bosnia while Mladic is allegedly at large in Serbia. Officials in Republika Srpska and Belgrade deny any knowledge of the fugitives' whereabouts. The top international representative to Bosnia, Paddy Ashdown, last week used his far-reaching powers under the 1995 Dayton peace accords to sack 60 Serb officials for allegedly helping fugitives like Karadzic evade capture. The genocide committed in Srebrenica is one of the key charges against Karadzic, Mladic and former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic, who has been on trial for two years at the UN war crimes tribunal in The Hague. So far the highest ranking Bosnian Serb to be sentenced over the massacre is Radislav Krstic, the general who led the attack on the supposedly UN-protected enclave. He was found guilty on appeal of aiding and abetting genocide and sentenced to 35 years in prison. Under the Dayton peace accord that ended the bloodshed in Bosnia, the country was split into two highly-autonomous entities -- the Republika Srpska and the Muslim-Croat Federation.

Philadelphia Inquirer 12 July 2004 Troubled Bosnia remains divided by tensions that fueled war By Matthew Schofield Inquirer Foreign Staff SARAJEVO, Bosnia-Herzegovina - Before Baghdad, there was Sarajevo. Those impatient to know when the war in Iraq will end need to remember this place. The fighting here officially stopped in 1995, after more than 250,000 deaths. But in many ways, the war lingers. People still distrust one another. Children still stumble into minefields. Shrapnel and bullet holes mark the facades of hundreds of buildings. Unemployment hovers above 50 percent. Foreign economic aid and investment dwindle each year. Markets are filled with framed photos of Tito, the late president of the former Yugoslavia, as people yearn for the days of a communist dictator, when at least they had food. These days, the United Nations runs the country. Recently the top U.N. representative here, Paddy Ashdown, removed from office 60 Bosnian Serbs - including the speaker of the Parliament - for failing to arrest the main architects of the conflict, who are wanted for alleged war crimes including genocide. But while the hunt for war criminals attracts headlines and has great symbolic importance, the rebuilding of a nation isn't so easily done in a land where Serbs, Croats and Muslims were at war for their very survival and still hate one another. "The international community has forgotten how long it takes to turn war into peace, to unstitch the wounds of war," said Ashdown, whose office window perfectly frames the rocket-scarred hull of Bosnia's old Parliament. Muminovic Floso knows the difficulties. The 34-year-old Muslim is rebuilding a mosque blown up by Serbs during the war. He said Serb hard-liners drove past shouting insults and telling him to leave the area, which is deep within what was known as the Republic of Serbia, a large section of Bosnia dominated by ethnic Serbs. Floso was forced to leave in 1994 and was not able to return until two years ago. He started work on the mosque in May. "We will live next to the Serbs," he said, "but we will never trust them again." Still, he said that most days he did not have time or energy to dwell on hatred. Serbs, too, are haunted by the war. Rada Radovic, 35, is rail thin with a single tooth and two twiggy daughters clinging to her legs. She was widowed during the war after her husband left their Sarajevo apartment and joined the Bosnian Serbs in bombing his city. Since then, life has been a series of refugee camps. She is now in her sixth, housed in a mobile home surrounded by the wood she will need for heat in the winter, on the slopes of a remote mountain valley about an hour from her city. "Before the war, I had a husband, a job, hope," she said. "Now, I wake every day expecting nothing but that I will have to beg for food." An Italian peacekeeper lowered his voice as he looked around the refugee camp for Serbs. "No one remembers these people," he said. "... These are the people everyone wants to forget about." But it isn't easy to forget. Perhaps no place is that felt more deeply than in Srebrenica. Muslims fled to Srebrenica in July 1995, hoping that Dutch peacekeepers could protect them. Serb troops killed thousands in the coming weeks, slaying those who surrendered and tracking down others in the surrounding woods. Today, a memorial on the edge of town is streaked with freshly turned earth, as every day bodies, or pieces of bodies, are buried, finally identified with the help of DNA evidence. Fetija Ctljic, 35, stopped on the edge of the mass graves. Her husband's remains were identified recently and should be buried here soon. Her father's remains, she believes, are lost in the woods sloping up from the village. "I lost 28 family members here," she said. "I still look at the gate most nights, wondering when my father will come home to me. This war is not over for us." That's true, too, in Pale (pah-LAY), a ridge away from Sarajevo. Once seen as the new capital of a Serbian Bosnia, it is the last known home of Radovan Karadzic, the wartime Bosnian Serb leader now sought by a U.N. tribunal on war-crimes charges. Residents wave away questions, sometimes angrily, but more often with tired expressions. There are signs of the hunted leader - a painting of him on a wall proclaims, "Karadzic is a hero." But many residents claim indifference to his fate. Stjepan Kljucic, who in the mid-1990s was a popular Bosnian politician, said Karadzic - a man he described as "the voice for evil" - wasn't the problem today. "The roots of our problems are unchanged," he said. "We are not a single nation but three peoples sharing a space. We see the same faces, the same attitudes, as we did before. What has changed is that the West loses interest. I wonder if they learned anything.

AP 18 July 2004 Serb War Crimes Fugitives Evading Justice By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS Published: July 18, 2004 Filed at 9:37 p.m. ET BELGRADE, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) -- It's a $10 million question: Where are the world's two most wanted war crimes fugitives? Former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic and his military commander, Gen. Ratko Mladic, have been on the run since the Bosnian war ended in 1995 -- frustrating and almost mocking those who want them captured and tried. Late last month, chief U.N. prosecutor Carla Del Ponte declared that Karadzic would be arrested within 24 hours. But both he and Mladic are still at large, despite the $5 million per head promised by the United States for information leading to their capture. The two, who top the U.N. tribunal's wanted list, stand accused of numerous war crimes, including genocide in the 1995 slaughter of up to 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys in the U.N.-protected enclave of Srebrenica, the worst massacre of civilians in Europe since World War II. Top Serbia-Montenegro officials and Western diplomats have told The Associated Press that Karadzic and Mladic are relying on disguises, multiple hiding places and a shadowy network of supporters to tip them off whenever NATO-led patrols get close. Karadzic is believed to be hiding in the mountains of eastern Bosnia, somewhere near the town of Foca on the border with Serbia. Those who have seen him say he has shaved off his trademark bushy hair, has grown a large beard and dresses in black robes like a Serbian Orthodox priest. Karadzic often changes his hideouts, including monasteries and refurbished mountain caves, officials say. In the past, he traveled in ambulances with flashing lights to zip through NATO checkpoints undetected. Now, he travels only at night and avoids main roads, using forest paths through rugged Bosnian mountains. Whenever informants tell him troops are closing in, he flees into neighboring Serbia, where NATO can't operate. His associates say Karadzic has often slipped into Pale, the Bosnian Serb wartime capital, for nighttime visits to his wife, Ljiljana; daughter, Sonja; and son, Sasa. He reportedly also has visited his aging mother in the mountains of neighboring Montenegro, and once went to Budva, a popular tourist town on the tiny republic's Adriatic coast. Those in his inner circle have even claimed that Karadzic once sneaked into Sarajevo, the Bosnian capital his troops shelled relentlessly for three years, and had coffee with friends in a cafe. Locals, they say, failed to recognize him in disguise. Mladic, who is accused of leading the Srebrenica slaughter, lived freely in Belgrade until former President Slobodan Milosevic was toppled in October 2000 and handed over to the tribunal in The Hague, Netherlands. Mladic showed up openly at soccer stadiums, dined in plush Belgrade restaurants and visited his daughter's grave in Belgrade. When, under Western pressure, Serbia's new pro-democracy authorities signaled that they might have to hand Mladic over to the tribunal, he apparently left the Serbian capital for Bosnia. But he still has the protection of Milosevic's allies in the Serb-led army. In 2001, he was seen dining in a Belgrade fish restaurant also frequented by diplomats. Only last month, Mladic was seen driving a battered, boxy Yugo car in Belgrade, without the six black-clad bodyguards with shaven heads who typically escort him. A U.S. diplomat, speaking on condition of anonymity, said Mladic, like Karadzic, is believed to be slipping in and out of Bosnia and Serbia. Serbia is under relentless Western pressure to arrest Mladic and some 15 other war crimes fugitives believed hiding here. But its conservative leadership has been reluctant to act, fearing a backlash from an electorate which considers the tribunal anti-Serb. Mladic and Karadzic split politically in 1995 and aren't on speaking terms. They aren't hiding together, but a Serbian government official, also speaking on condition of anonymity, told the AP that both recently have asked nationalist allies in Russia about asylum there. Milosevic's wife, Mirjana Markovic, and their son, Marko -- both wanted in Serbia for crimes they allegedly committed during Milosevic's rule -- are in Russia. Also believed hiding there is Gen. Vlastimir Djordjevic, one of four Serb generals sought by the tribunal for alleged atrocities in Kosovo in 1999.

France

BBC 18 July, 2004 French Jews 'must move to Israel' France has seen a spate of attacks against Jewish targets Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon has urged all French Jews to move to Israel immediately to escape anti-Semitism. He told a meeting of the American Jewish Association in Jerusalem that Jews around the world should relocate to Israel as early as possible. But for those living in France, he added, moving was a "must" because of rising violence against Jews there. France's foreign ministry said it had asked Israel for an explanation of the "unacceptable comments". French Jewish leaders, interviewed on France-2 Television, said Mr Sharon's remarks were unhelpful. "These comments do not bring calm, peace and serenity that we all need," said Patrick Gaubert, of the International League Against Racism and Anti-Semitism (Licra). "I think Mr Sharon would have done better tonight to have kept quiet." "It's not up to him to decide for us," said Theo Klein, honorary president of Crif, which represents French Jewish organisations. Trend France has suffered a wave of anti-Semitic attacks coinciding with renewed fighting in the Middle East. About France, on one hand we see the spread of the wildest anti-Semitism there Ariel Sharon "We see the spread of the wildest anti-Semitism" in France, Mr Sharon said. The latest French government figures show 510 anti-Jewish acts or threats in the first six months of 2004 - compared to 593 for all of last year. In recent years there have been bomb attacks against a number of synagogues and Jewish schools in France. Jewish tombs have also been desecrated. Mr Sharon acknowledged that the Paris government had made efforts to tackle the problem. He added that France faced a new kind of anti-Semitism based on anti-Israeli feelings and propaganda. He pointed out that France had a large Muslim community estimated at less than 10% of population, or about five million. Hoax Mr Sharon said his advice to French Jews was that moving to Israel was "a must and they have to move immediately". The BBC's Hugh Schofield in Paris says this is not the first time that Mr Sharon has spoken about the need for French Jews to leave for Israel, but rarely has he been so blunt. "We have immediately made contact with Israeli authorities to ask them for explanations about these unacceptable statements," said French foreign ministry spokesman Herve Ladsous. Our correspondent says there is irritation in France at the idea that life for Jews there is becoming dangerous - especially as the government has made every effort to show that anti-Jewish acts will be severely punished. A week ago President Jacques Chirac rushed to condemn an apparently anti-Semitic attack on a Paris train that turned out to be a hoax. Our correspondent adds that his haste only aggravated passions among many in the Muslim community who feel they are the instant scapegoats.

Germany

The Namibian (Windhoek) 28 June 2004 Hereros Slam Bundestag Resolution By Petros Kuteeue Windhoek A RECENT resolution passed by the German Parliament [Bundestag] on the 1904 genocide has drawn sharp condemnation from Namibia's ethnic Hereros. The Herero Chiefs' Secretariat in Windhoek has lashed out at the Bundestag for avoiding the word "guilt" in its lengthy resolution and for also failing to mention the German concentration camps that were built at Swakopmund, Luderitz and other places in 1904. The Herero Chiefs said that by omitting "these key elements" of the genocide, which wiped out almost three-quarters of the tribe, Germans were making a mockery of the policy of reconciliation. "It is regrettable and unacceptable that these men and women [German lawmakers] would come with such this kind of resolution given the brutality committed against our people," charged Rudolf Hongoze, Chairman of the Chiefs' Secretariat. The Bundestag's latest resolution, which was passed in Berlin last week, mainly confirms a previous resolution of 1989 in which the German parliamentarians stated that Germany has a "special responsibility" towards Namibia. The new resolution further expressed "deep regret towards the oppressed African people". However, Hongoze questioned whether this expression of 'deep regret' was genuine or just lip service. "We have come to a point where we would demand [from] Germany to maybe define to us what they mean by special responsibility," he stated. "If they cannot acknowledge or pretend not to know the mass killings and torture that was committed on our soil, what made them come to the conclusion that they have a special responsibility towards this country." Hongoze noted that Namibians appreciated the development aid Germany, like other donor countries, gave to Namibia but "this does not mean that they [Germany] should provoke us on issues that still hurt us." He revealed that the chiefs were planning to lodge an official protest against the new resolution with the German diplomatic mission in Windhoek. Between 35 000 and 105 000 Namibians were killed after the Hereros and Namas rebelled against German rule between 1904 and 1907. Germany has continuously ruled out paying compensation that the Hereros have demanded in a lawsuit. Meanwhile, thousands of Hereros from Namibia and Botswana will gather at Botswana's north-western settlement of Tsau on July 17 as part of a series of commemorative activities to mark this year's 100th anniversary of the 1904 genocide. Hundreds of Hereros fled and settled in Botswana during the war after they were driven into the desert by German forces. The Herero people plan to turn the centenary commemorations of the 1904 genocide into a cultural re-wakening of the tribe and to bridge the gap between those who remained in Namibia and the Diaspora.

UPI 12 July 2004 Germany Presses Sudan Over Darfur 2004-07-12 United Press International German Foreign Minister Joschka Fisher Monday urged Sudan to end the humanitarian crisis in Darfur to open the way for German assistance. Speaking after talks with Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, Fisher said Sudan should meet its commitments to the United Nations as soon as possible. We want to see progress on the ground in dealing with the humanitarian crisis in Darfur and putting an end to violations of human rights, Fisher said on the first visit by a high-ranking German official to Sudan in decades. He also held the Sudanese government responsible for protecting its citizens by disarming the Janjaweed militia, accused of ethnic cleansing against non-Muslim Africans in Darfur. Sudan has strongly criticized Germany for pushing for U.N. sanctions against Sudan over the Darfur crisis. The western province of Darfur has become the world's worst humanitarian crisis, according to the United Nations. A rebellion by the inhabitants of African origin led to a counter-insurgency by government troops and pro-government Arab militia.

Greece

NYT 19 July 2004 Greeks Hold Man in Serb Killing By NICHOLAS WOOD LJUBLJANA, Slovenia, July 18 - A Serbian man wanted for his suspected role in the assassination last year of the Serbian prime minister, Zoran Djindjic, appeared in a Greek court on Sunday under heavily armed guard. The man, Dejan Milenkovic, was arrested late Friday night on an international arrest warrant in the port city of Salonika in northern Greece, The Associated Press reported. Mr. Milenkovic is one of 13 men, many of them members of a paramilitary police unit, accused by Serbian authorities of organizing the shooting of Mr. Djindjic outside his offices on March 11, 2003. Five are already on trial in Belgrade, the Serbian capital. The Greek authorities said the police had found Mr. Milenkovic by following his wife when she entered the country for a visit in June, and they had been following him ever since. He was charged with illegally entering the country. Court officials said an extradition hearing was likely to be held Monday. Mr. Milenkovic is expected to remain in Greek custody until extradition papers are completed. His lawyer, Biljana Kajganic, told a Serbian news agency and radio station, B92, that her client had turned himself in at the consulate of Serbia and Montenegro in Salonika. Tanjug, the official Serbian news agency, reported that Mr. Milenkovic was armed and carrying a bag full of cash when he was arrested. The Serbian police contend that Mr. Milenkovic is a member of the Zemun gang, the organized crime group that they say orchestrated Mr. Djindjic's killing. The indictment says the group hoped to protect allies of Slobodan Milosevic, the former Serbian president, many of whom were members of the state security services and who were threatened by Mr. Djindjic's democratic reforms. Mr. Milenkovic had been arrested on Feb. 21, 2003, before the killing of Mr. Djindjic, and accused of trying to ram the prime minister's motorcade with a truck. He was released days later under unclear circumstances. Mr. Djindjic, Serbia's first democratically elected president since World War II, played a crucial role four years ago in toppling Mr. Milosevic, who presided over a decade of wars in the Balkans. Mr. Djindjic had outraged Serbian nationalists by sending Mr. Milosovic to the United Nations war crimes tribunal in The Hague, where he is now on trial for genocide and crimes against humanity.

Holy See

Agence France-Presse 25 Jul 2004 Pope calls on international community to help Darfur, Uganda CASTELGANDOLFO, Italy, July 25 (AFP) - Pope John Paul II called on the international community Sunday to work to bring peace to the conflict-wracked African regions of Darfur and northern Uganda. The pontiff told thousands of pilgrims who braved a downpour to attend his Sunday angelus blessing at his summer residence outside Rome that children were bearing the brunt of the violence in Uganda. "For more than 18 years, northern Uganda has been struck by a brutal conflict, involving millions of people, especially children. Many of them, in the throes of poverty and deprived of any future, feel obliged to become soldiers. "I ask the international community and national political leaders to put an end to this tragic conflict and bring about a real prospect of peace to the whole Ugandan nation." The pope reiterated his concerns over the conflict in the western Sudanese region of Darfur, to where he dispatched a special envoy on Thursday to press the government to reach a "just solution" to the conflict. "The war, which has intensified in recent months, brings with it even more poverty, desperation and death," the pope said. "How can we remain indifferent? I sorrowfully call on political leaders and the international organisations so that our stricken brothers are not forgotten." More than 10,000 people are estimated to have died in Darfur and at least 1.2 million have been driven from their homes, many of them to squalid camps in Chad, since a revolt against the Arab-dominated government broke out among indigenous ethnic minorities in February 2003. .

Italy

telegraph.co.uk 1 July 2004 'Haunted' SS veteran stands trial for massacre of the innocents in village By Bruce Johnston in La Spezia (Filed: 01/07/2004) Survivors of one of Italy's worst wartime atrocities relived their nightmare yesterday as six former junior SS officers were finally put on trial for the massacre of 560 people, mainly women, children and pensioners, in a Tuscan village in 1944. For 60 years Italy hid evidence of this atrocity and others in an office cabinet named the "cupboard of shame" to avoid embarrassment for Germany. The six members of the 16th SS Reichsfuhrer division were charged with collusion and mass murder in the biggest trial of its kind in Italy. All refused to attend the trial at the military court in La Spezia, as they are entitled to under German law. They continue to live in tranquillity as pensioners. None has admitted taking part in the atrocity and some claim they were not even there. But a seventh soldier from the division, Ludwig Goring, gave remarkably frank testimony which is likely to make him a star witness. After confessing to killing 20 women, he will be tried separately in a fast-track procedure. He is said to be the first German under investigation to collaborate fully with Italian magistrates in such a case. He admitted that he had changed his story because he was still haunted by his crime. He told prosecutors: "I have these images forever before my eyes, especially most recently, after they began talking on television about terrorist attacks. It all keeps coming back and I can't get them out of my mind." Witnesses and survivors are expected to tell the court that the retreating SS, led by hooded Italian informers, went into the mountains behind La Spezia to attack partisans who had been plaguing the German retreat but were known to have left the village, Sant'Anna di Stazzema, days before. After seeing the Germans' flares being fired at dawn, the men of the village assumed the SS had come looking for them. Many escaped, telling their families not to worry, adding: "It's us they're after, not women and children." But after arriving in the village and cutting it off, the SS rounded up some of their victims and killed them in cold blood before dousing their bodies with petrol and setting them alight. There were 110 children alone, the youngest 20 days old. The presence of several of the nine survivors in court, all witnesses for the prosecution, was as poignant as the absence of the six men on trial. So many relatives of victims arrived by coach that proceedings were broadcast in an old cinema nearby. For men such as Enrico Pieri and Enio Mancini the atrocity is seared in the memory. Mr Mancini, then seven, recalled: "It was the women and children they were after. "It was a carefully orchestrated plot to wipe out the town as a reprisal against the civilians. The strongest impression I still have is of the smell of burnt flesh." Rounded up with his family, and their houses set ablaze, he was first put up against a wall facing a machinegun on a tripod, before an officer apparently took pity and told him and the others to "get out fast". Mr Mancini added: "Corpses were strewn everywhere in the village." Later, members of the SS were seen eating their lunch and drinking in front of the charred corpses. Claudia Buratti, whose father lost his first wife and two children in the atrocity, said: "After killing the inhabitants they set the corpses alight and took the pews from the church and threw them on the bodies to fuel the flames." Elio Toaff, the former chief rabbi of Rome and one of the local people who escaped during the atrocity, will be a witness. He is expected to recall that the SS killed a pregnant woman who had gone into labour, tore open her womb, pulled out the child and shot it as well. Marco De Paolis, prosecuting, said: "The 16th division of the SS were considered one of Hitler's elite because of their high Nazi ideals." Michele Filicani, the mayor of Sant'Anna, said: "We now welcome this trial, even if no one has to go to jail as a result, since it will at least help us to determine the facts and enable us to close a chapter which instead has been festering like an open wound."

Macedonia

BBC 23 July, 2004, Mob besieges Macedonian minister The Macedonian defence minister has been rescued by police after coming under siege from a mob hurling bottles. Nationalist protesters had to be forced back with tear gas in clashes that left about 30 police and rioters injured, a government spokesman said. They were angry at concessions to the ethnic Albanian minority. Minister Vlado Buckovski and a party colleague were trapped for several hours inside their party's headquarters in the south-western town of Struga. Western pressure Mr Buckovski and the general secretary of the Social Democrat Party were taken away unharmed, a police source said. But the violence spread across the town. The revolt was in response to an agreement to restructure local government and to allow greater Albanian language rights. The moves follow Western pressure to give ethnic Albanian areas more autonomy. A decision last week by Macedonia's coalition government means municipal boundaries can be redrawn. Struga has seen several protests in the past week In areas like Struga, that means Albanian political leaders could be given control over schools, health and local economic development. Opposition parties say the proposals will divide the country along ethnic lines. More protests are scheduled for Monday, when the measures will be debated in parliament. A quarter of Macedonia's two million people are ethnic Albanian. The communities clashed for seven months three years ago, as ethnic Albanian guerrillas battled security forces for greater recognition.

BBC 26 July, 2004, Massive protest at Macedonia plan The number of protesters was higher than many had expected An estimated 20,000 Macedonians have marched in the capital, Skopje, to show their opposition to a deal giving more rights to the ethnic Albanian minority. Amid driving rain and tight security, protesters demanded the resignation of government lawmakers debating the plan. The parliament is considering redrawing municipal borders to give minority Albanians more power in certain areas. The protests pose a threat to a 2001 peace deal between Albanian rebels and the army to stave off civil conflict. The bill being reviewed by parliament is a key part of that accord, which was brokered by western states as civil war threatened in the former Yugoslav republic. But many Macedonians fear the law will make it easier for Albanian minority areas to cede from Skopje and unite with neighbouring Kosovo, should it ever gain independence from Belgrade. The multi-ethnic government has said the decentralisation measures in the bill, which will see 16 municipalities pass into Albanian control, are essential for peace and democracy. The BBC's Matt Prodger in Skopje says the government has little room for manoeuvre, as its ambition of moving closer to the European Union rest upon the implementation of the 2001 peace deal. Struga strife Thousands marched in Skopje on Monday after parliament adjourned its debate for the day. Police have warned against any repeat of the Struga violence Many carried Macedonian flags and listened to speeches accusing the government of bowing to the demands of ethnic Albanians, who account for roughly one-third of the population. Security was tight to prevent violence of the kind that erupted last week in the city of Struga, one of the municipalities where control could pass into Albanian hands. Violent protests in Struga left dozens of protesters and police officers with minor injuries and forced Defence Minister Vlado Buckovski to be evacuated from the scene. 'Earthquake' Macedonian opponents of the decentralisation plan say it will divide the country along ethnic lines and give too much power to Albanians. As well as losing control over two towns, Macedonians would see the capital become a bilingual city after its boundaries are expanded to bring in more Albanian villages. Macedonian newspapers have described the bill being negotiated between the government and Albanian politicians as a "national earthquake" - a reference to the natural disaster that killed thousands in Skopje on 26 July 1963. Our correspondent says the issue goes to the heart of the dispute which almost led Macedonia to civil war: how to balance the rights of the country's Albanian minority against the interests of the Macedonian majority.

Netherlands

Reuters 2 July 2004 Milosevic to Open War Crimes Defense Next Week AMSTERDAM (Reuters) - Slobodan Milosevic will launch his defense next week when the Hague tribunal resumes Europe's biggest war crimes trial in more than half a century amid new uncertainty about the former Yugoslav leader's health. The resumption of the two-year-old trial after a break of more than four months following completion of the prosecution case had appeared in doubt on Thursday when Milosevic's lawyer said proceedings would be postponed because of his ill health. Advertisement The U.N. tribunal said on Friday the repeatedly delayed case would go ahead on Monday. It declined comment on the health of Milosevic, who has suffered bouts of high blood pressure, flu and exhaustion since proceedings began. Milosevic, 62, is charged with genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo in the 1990s. The former Serb strongman, who is conducting his own defense, has dismissed the charges as politically motivated lies. He has billed his trial a battle for truth against charges he has branded ``false'' and ``monstrous.'' Milosevic wants to call up to 1,400 witnesses and has asked judges to order former U.S. president Bill Clinton and British Prime Minister Tony Blair to testify. Trial watchers say they expect Milosevic, whose finger-jabbing confrontations with judges and prosecutors have made world headlines, to be in feisty form when he appears. ``Assuming he is fit, I expect him ... to come out in a pretty combative mood. That would be consistent with his demeanor so far,'' said Avril McDonald of the TMC Asser Institute for international law in The Hague. ``He has an amazing will and strength and conviction to fight ... and a will to go to the end until victory,'' said Belgrade-based Milosevic supporter Vladimir Krsljanin, who provides him with legal assistance. After months of preparation for the start of his defense -- working from an office with a computer, fax, telephone and filing cabinets in the tribunal's detention center -- Milosevic will have 150 working days to present his case. IN THE SPOTLIGHT The trial is widely regarded as Europe's biggest war crimes hearing since Hitler's henchmen were tried after World War II. Milosevic, who has described himself as a peacemaker in the Balkans and does not recognize the U.N. court, declined to enter a plea to the charges. Pleas of not guilty were entered on his behalf by the trial's three judges. Proving genocide is seen as a key test of the prosecution case and will determine the way the Balkan wars of the 1990s will go down in history. Milosevic has accused the court of inherent bias against him and the Serb people, branding it an ``illegal'' institution designed to cover up what he says were NATO war crimes sponsored by the United States and Britain. He has also accused the United States, Britain, Germany and Islamic militant group al Qaeda of supporting a ``terrorist'' campaign by the ethnic Albanian Kosovo Liberation Army to destabilize Kosovo. Prosecution and defense will sum up at the end of the trial. The court currently sits only three days a week because of Milosevic's health problems. British judge Richard May, who presided over the first two years of the trial, died on Thursday. He stepped down earlier this year and was replaced by another Briton, Iain Bonomy, who joined Jamaica's Patrick Robinson and South Korean O-Gon Kwon.

NYT 2 July 2004 Richard May, Milosevic Judge, Dies at 65 By MARLISE SIMONS PARIS, July 1 - Sir Richard May, the British judge who presided over the first two years of the war crimes trial of the former Yugoslav president, Slobodan Milosevic, before falling ill early this year, died Thursday at his home in Oxford, England. He was 65. He suffered from a brain tumor, friends of the family said. Sir Richard, a low-key barrister who received a knighthood a week before his death, joined the United Nations tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in 1997 and served on the bench in numerous cases. But he became best known as the judge in command of the complex Milosevic war crimes trial, the first of its kind for a modern head of state. High on the bench, wearing a crimson robe and peering over his glasses, he often had to engage in a test of wills with a defiant Mr. Milosevic. Sometimes prickly but mostly unperturbed, Sir Richard steered the proceedings, which covered charges of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide relating to the wars in Bosnia, Croatia and Kosovo during the 1990's. He regularly coaxed Mr. Milosevic, who has acted as his own lawyer, by prompting him on what questions to ask a witness. Two years into the trial, as the prosecution was about to rest its case, Sir Richard's grave illness forced him to step down. "The Milosevic trial is a defining moment in international law, and Richard May made it into a professional trial, not just a performance," said Antoine Garapon, a former French judge who directs the Institute for Advanced Judicial Studies in Paris. "And he did the near-impossible: he managed to engage the obstinate Milosevic and pull him in." In a tribunal where the 16 judges include diplomats, academics and jurists from many countries, with different legal backgrounds, Sir Richard stood out as an experienced and practical judge. Theodor Meron, the tribunal president, said that Sir Richard had made major contributions in developing rules of procedure and evidence in the new field of international human rights law that "significantly improved the work of the tribunal and will be of great value to all international criminal courts." Richard George May, who was born in London in 1939 and graduated from Cambridge University, gained his experience first as a criminal prosecutor, then as a junior circuit judge in Oxford. He briefly entered politics, serving on the Westminster City Council, where he became an advocate for homeless children and supported low-income housing. In 1979, he ran as a Labor Party candidate for Parliament and lost to Margaret Thatcher. She, of course, went on to become prime minister and he went back to the law. In The Hague, Sir Richard was widely liked and admired by his colleagues, who called him a fair, self-effacing, kind, accessible and witty man who was a master of understatement. His wit was rarely visible in court, where he was careful to preserve decorum. Although he was eager to lead the three-judge panel hearing the Milosevic case, Sir Richard did not cherish the limelight that came with it. He would politely greet an approaching reporter, but he never engaged in conversation or granted interviews. Geoffrey Nice, the lead prosecutor in the Milosevic case, who said he had spent more than 500 days in court with Sir Richard over the course of several trials, called the judge "a very generous and a very modest man, who never tried to grandstand or show off his great knowledge." Rather, he said, Sir Richard used his knowledge to assist witnesses or defense lawyers to move the proceedings along. Sir Richard avoided confrontations with aggressive lawyers, but did not tolerate rudeness. He told one brash Serbian lawyer that "courtesy is common to all continents." But he usually chose to overlook the stridency of Mr. Milosevic - ignoring, for example, the fact that the former Yugoslav president refused to stand up when addressing the court and insisted on calling him "Mr. May." Sir Richard resisted strong pressure from the prosecution to impose a defense lawyer on Mr. Milosevic, which would have simplified and sped up proceedings; he maintained that the right to self-defense had to prevail. But he reined Mr. Milosevic in at times by cutting off his microphone, or, after Mr. Milosevic had scoffed at the court during one outburst, by interrupting him to say, "Your views about the tribunal are completely irrelevant." Eventually, the two men seemed to reach a kind of truce, as Mr. Milosevic mellowed and Sir Richard kept urging him to avoid irrelevancies and be a better advocate of his case. But he also let Mr. Milosevic air his grievances against NATO for the bombing of Yugoslavia at points when it was not relevant. In the past year, Mr. Milosevic missed many court days because of high blood pressure and heart disease. What was not known was that Sir Richard, who never missed a day in court, was himself unwell. But he seemed determined to hold out until a break in the trial, as the prosecution neared the end of its case. His last day in court, Jan. 28, he seemed distracted and tired, but prodded Mr. Milosevic as usual. "Just move on; let's not waste time," he said several times. Then, as prosecutors and the accused squabbled, Sir Richard said: "That's all today. We have no further time." He picked up his binders and walked out for the last time. Sir Richard is survived by his wife, Radmila May, and their three children.

iccnow.org 30 June 2004 June 30, 2004 was the last day the Agreement on the Privileges and Immunities of the ICC (APIC) was open for signature. The total number of signatories is 62.

NYT 25 July 2004 Tribunal Detectives Pursue War Criminals in the Balkans By MARLISE SIMONS THE HAGUE, July 24 - The war crimes tribunal for the former Yugoslavia has no assault troops or police commandos at its service. But it does have detectives armed with cameras. For almost two years, the undercover agents and their network of informants have snooped around streets in Serbia and traveled through the mountains in Bosnia. Their business is to find and shadow people suspected of committing war crimes during the Balkan conflict of the early 1990's. The agents, experienced military and police investigators from several nations, have no power to make arrests. For that they must rely on the Serbian authorities or, in Bosnia, on NATO peacekeepers. Their reports back to The Hague, prosecutors say, have produced ample information about many of the 22 suspects still at large in Serbia and Bosnia. They have also offered valuable insights into why it is so difficult to arrest some of the most wanted men. Carla Del Ponte, the chief prosecutor, said her detectives had produced proof that local government officials regularly warned suspects of an impending arrest, allowing them to escape. Until recently, the prosecutor's "tracking team," as it is known here, had been treated as an official secret. But this week, Ms. Del Ponte abruptly issued a public communiqué describing the undercover operations. On Thursday, for the first time, she even released surveillance photographs taken by the detectives, to expose what she called the hypocrisy of the Serbian and Bosnian authorities. Her move also reflects some of the frustration felt at the tribunal, which began proceedings seven years ago but has yet to get its hands on some of the most important war crimes suspects. The United Nations, which provides the money for the tribunal, has said that the court must close by 2008. Although Serbian and Bosnian officials have repeatedly said they are fully cooperating with the tribunal - a condition for achieving greater access to Western money and acceptance by the European Union - Ms. Del Ponte said this week that they were lying, and that she could prove it. Recounting her story in an interview, she said that earlier this month, when her office was about to deliver a new indictment and arrest warrant to Serbia, she and her agents decided to set a trap. The arrest order was for Goran Hadzic, a leader of rebel Serbs in Krajina, Croatia, who was charged with war crimes and crimes against humanity. A warehouse worker before the war, Mr. Hadzic profited from wartime smuggling, Ms. Del Ponte said, and now lives in a comfortable villa in Novi Sad, a Serbian city on the Danube. "The day before delivering the papers, we put Hadzic's house under surveillance," she said. She offered a detailed account of what came next. On July 13, at 9:30 a.m., her representatives delivered the indictment and arrest warrant for Mr. Hadzic to the Serbian Foreign Ministry in Belgrade. They also provided Mr. Hadzic's address. In keeping with the standard practice, on the same day, at 11:30 a.m., copies were transmitted to the Serbian Embassy at The Hague. At 3:30 p.m., Ms. Del Ponte said, the Serbian Foreign Ministry sent the documents to the Belgrade District Court. They arrived there after working hours. That day, Mr. Hadzic was seen in his garden. He left his home at 12:38 p.m., and returned 45 minutes later. "Around 4 o'clock he gets a call on his cellphone," Ms. Del Ponte said. "It's the call tipping him off. I'd quite like to know who that was." At 4:27 p.m., he was seen leaving his house carrying a bag. He got into a car with a driver and drove off. Two days later, Ms. Del Ponte said, the local police reported to the Belgrade Court that Mr. Hadzic was not at home and that his whereabouts were unknown. On Thursday, after she released the surveillance photographs, the Serbian police said they would open an internal investigation into Mr. Hadzic's escape. It was not the first time, she said, that a suspect had vanished after the Belgrade authorities were asked to make an arrest. This year, tribunal detectives discovered the Belgrade address of a fugitive charged with genocide in connection with a massacre in Bosnia. Ms. Del Ponte passed the information to the Belgrade authorities. "A week later,'' she said, "Belgrade replied that it had not been able to make the arrest and the suspect vanished." Of about 100 suspects who have so far appeared before the tribunal, several have come as a result of sleuthing by the tribunal's detectives, though Ms. Del Ponte would not say how many. Some of the accused have turned themselves in. Others were arrested in Croatia or in Serbia, especially during the government of Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic, who was assassinated last year. It was Mr. Djindjic who handed over the former Yugoslav president, Slobodan Milosevic, who is now on trial in The Hague. Tribunal detectives have reported multiple sightings of the two most wanted men, Gen. Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic, the former Bosnian Serb leader, the prosecutor said. General Mladic has been seen in Belgrade at restaurants, at a soccer game and at a cemetery, but no one has moved to arrest him. Last February, tribunal agents located Dr. Karadzic in Zaovine, a Serbian village near the Bosnian border. They informed NATO peacekeepers in Bosnia, who said they would confirm his whereabouts. "So they sent a helicopter flying over the area, alerting Karadzic," said a tribunal official who spoke on the condition of anonymity. Ms. Del Ponte says that she will not criticize the NATO troops because she needs them and they have already made about two dozen arrests. But one of her aides said that it was NATO's insistence that it did not have the time or resources for manhunts that led the prosecution to create its own detective team. The prosecutors borrowed the idea from the United Nations tribunal dealing with the genocide in Rwanda, where undercover agents were especially needed because many suspects had fled. The agents have tracked down more than 50 suspects in Africa, Europe and Canada, where they were then detained and extradited to face trial. "It's classic shadowing work, with the use of sources and informants," said a former investigator familiar with the work of both tribunals. "It's like infiltrating drug cases, but much more frustrating if you find your suspect and no one will arrest him." NATO has staged numerous raids to catch Dr. Karadzic, but its critics point out that its cumbersome operations, with large military vehicles, helicopters and dozens of soldiers, are far too easily spotted. "It's a job better left to a plainclothes squad," the former investigator said.

NYT 28 July 2004 Court Looks for Ways to Speed Milosevic Trial By MARLISE SIMONS Published: July 28, 2004 HE HAGUE, July 24 - Two years into the prosecution of Slobodan Milosevic, with the former Yugoslav leader's health problems getting worse, court officials have quietly conceded that the trial is in crisis, and are confronting the growing chance that the process may not be completed without fundamental changes in the rules. With the trial now at a critical midway juncture as Mr. Milosevic begins his defense, the three-judge panel is considering breaking up the charges faced by Mr. Milosevic into smaller, separate indictments, and providing him with a defense counsel against his will. Both measures are meant to speed up proceedings, regularly stopped by the defendant's poor health. The judges have asked tribunal officials to come up with names of potential lawyers for Mr. Milosevic, even though he insists on representing himself in court. They envision a standby counsel who can step in when he cannot appear. The second, more unexpected step - splitting the Milosevic indictment into more manageable portions - is one both the defense and the prosecution object to. The current indictment deals with killing and torture on a huge scale, covering 10 years and listing detailed charges stemming from the conflicts in Croatia in 1991 to 1995, in Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1992 to 1995 and Kosovo in 1999. Originally, each region was in a separate indictment, but the prosecution pressed to have them joined. Lawyers said that by breaking out, for example, the Kosovo part of the war anew, the court could presumably reach an early verdict on at least one part of the case. The court has also called on a new cardiologist, not Mr. Milosevic's regular doctor, to provide an assessment of Mr. Milosevic's fitness to stand trial and to advise on his treatment and work pace. Much is at stake in this first war crimes trial for a modern former head of state. Legal scholars have called it a defining moment in international law. For the victims of the Yugoslav wars, where more than 200,000 people died and the lives of many more refugees were wrecked, the trial is a crucial chance to see a thorough accounting of crimes linked to conflicts widely seen as being largely instigated by Mr. Milosevic. But the proposed changes threaten to create new controversy. Branko Rakic, a lawyer on the Milosevic team, which does not appear in court, said breaking up the indictment was unacceptable. "You cannot begin a trial for one set of circumstances and change halfway," he said. Like the prosecution, the court has so far dealt with the events at issue as part of a single campaign to grab more land for ethnic Serbs, he said, adding, "Now we suddenly may be faced with defending ourselves in three different situations." But, he said, that "is inadmissible because the prosecution case and the defense case should be symmetric." Mr. Rakic said that while Mr. Milosevic is likely to object for several reasons, above all, he will fight a court-imposed lawyer. The former Serbian leader has said the trial is his chance to present his version of history and to justify himself before the Serbian people. A lawyer acting on his behalf would deprive him of that platform. While the chief prosecutor, Carla Del Ponte, would not discuss her position in a recent interview, one official in the prosecutor's office said splitting up the trial would be "horrendous." In the early stages of the case, Ms. Del Ponte fought to mesh the three separate indictments against Mr. Milosevic, arguing that all his activities were part of a "joint criminal enterprise." When the judges refused and wanted to begin with the Kosovo charges, the prosecution appealed and won. Mr. Milosevic faces 66 charges of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and in the case of Bosnia, genocide. Graham Blewitt, newly retired as deputy prosecutor, recently recalled that the prosecution also feared that the United Nations Security Council, which created the court, might not allow the trial to continue once the Kosovo part ended. "This was such an acute danger that we didn't want to take the risk," he said. Since the beginning, the prosecution has also asked the judges repeatedly to impose a defense counsel to speed the trial in the face of Mr. Milosevic's health complaints. But Richard May, the presiding judge who recently died, defended Mr. Milosevic's right to represent himself. The British judge, Iain Bonomy, who replaced Mr. May, is believed to have a different opinion. Medical reports have stressed that Mr. Milosevic suffers from chronic heart disease, aggravated by high blood pressure, and that he is at risk of a heart attack. His work schedule has already been reduced to three court days a week, but sessions have still been called off repeatedly. Critics have often accused Mr. Milosevic of claiming illness or exhaustion when he wants more time or when a prominent, difficult witness is scheduled, but Mr. Rakic dismissed such criticism. "Blood pressure can be measured, it speaks for itself," he said.

Poland

AP 19 July 2004 23:03 Poland ends probe into Jewish massacre WARSAW Polish investigators on Monday closed a probe into the murder of 13 Jews by Poles who discovered them hiding from the Nazis during World War II, saying they had uncovered no new information in the case. The investigation was opened after the victims' remains were discovered in a forest in central Poland in September 2002. Although three Poles were already convicted in the 1950s of the murders, investigators had hoped the discovery of the remains would shed more light on the case but could not come up with any more details. "There was no basis for continuing the investigation since we didn't find any new evidence and since we couldn't find any new people connected with it," said Anna Galkiewicz, a prosecutor working for the Polish National Remembrance Institute. "According to our information, everyone involved is now dead," she said. The victims were shot and killed in January 1943 by three Poles who discovered them hiding in an earth hut in the forest near the village of Czerniewice, some 100 kilometers south of Warsaw. Two of the perpetrators received death sentences which were later commuted to 15 years in prison, while the third received a 15-year sentence. Six million Jews were killed in the Nazi Holocaust, including some 3 million Polish Jews. Some 20,000 Jews live in Poland today.

Russia

UN High Commissioner for Refugees Date: 16 Jul 2004 UNHCR concerned about IDP backlash after attack in Ingushetia GENEVA, July 16 (UNHCR) - The UN refugee agency has raised concerns about hostile reactions and pressure on internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Ingushetia following the June 21 attack that killed some 90 people in the Russian republic. Some 50 IDPs were temporarily detained in the aftermath of the attack, but most of them have since been released. Five remain in detention, where they have been formally charged by the security services. "Police operations and ID checks are still continuing in the temporary settlements, but we have not heard of any recent complaints of improper behaviour," said UNHCR spokesman Ron Redmond at a news briefing in Geneva Friday. Of the approximately 50,000 IDPs from Chechnya who are currently living in Ingushetia, about half are ethnic Chechens while the rest are ethnic Ingush. Some 28,000 who are living in private accommodation have remained largely unaffected by the backlash, while some of the 24,000 living in 181 temporary settlements have faced pressure in different forms. "It was reported that some local officials were applying heavy psychological pressure on IDPs to return home," said Redmond. "Local landowners, and in some cases local officials as well, threatened to evict IDPs from a number of settlements." While only one settlement - MTF Altievo, where the five detainees were living - has been closed so far, 20 others hosting 7,800 IDPs are either under threat of eviction or are affected by utility cuts. "As with the closure of the tented camps - the last of which was shut down in early June - the litmus test for voluntary return is the availability of alternative accommodation inside Ingushetia," added the UNHCR spokesman. "It seems that in some cases where eviction is still threatened, no alternative has been proposed apart from return to Chechnya." The refugee agency has raised its concerns with the authorities in Ingushetia and Moscow. But its ability to intervene in Ingushetia has been hampered by the fact that its international staff have not been able to return to the republic since they were relocated to other parts of the Russian Federation after the June 21 attack. "While some international NGO staff resumed working in Ingushetia at the end of June, UN international staff - including UNHCR - are still not back, since the authorities say they do not have sufficient armed guards to guarantee their safety," said Redmond. "UNHCR hopes that this situation will be resolved shortly, especially after a planned return of international staff this Wednesday once again failed to happen for the same reason." Local UNHCR and NGO staff on the ground managed to resume monitoring in the settlements at the end of June. As of earlier this week, they had visited 54 settlements that together host some 18,000 IDPs. In a gesture of support, the Head of the Ingush Migration Service visited several temporary settlements last week and reassured the IDPs there that the Migration Service would continue to support them. Between 3,500 and 4,000 IDPs are estimated to have returned or applied to return to Chechnya since June 22 - only slightly higher than the high-end average monthly return.

AFP 26 Jul 2004 -- Rights group says 250 Chechens kidnapped in 2004 MOSCOW, July 26 (AFP) - Some 250 Chechen citizens have been kidnapped in Russia's strife-torn republic this year, the respected Memorial human rights group said Monday. "Out of this number, 122 have been ransomed or simply freed, 15 have been found dead and 114 are still missing," Alexander Cherkasov, a senior official with the organization, said by telephone. Memorial only monitors one third of the republic due to security concerns and other restrictions linked to the five-year war. Cherkasov said he can confirm 68 deaths of civilians this year. He said 53 officers of pro-Russian law-enforcement agencies and four administration officials were also killed in attacks. Cherkasov stressed that these figures could represent only a fraction of the total figures. The rights group has expressed concerns that the conflict might disrupt the elections for Chechnya's president slated for August 29, following the death of former president Akhmad Kadyrov in a May 9 blast. "Violence is continuing, and this situation can hardly be considered as normal. In the context of this armed conflict, it is unlikely that elections will be held in normal conditions," Cherkasov said. Russian President Vladimir Putin launched the Chechen offensive in October 1999 in what he planned to be a lightning-quick "anti-terrorist" operation, which has since unraveled into guerrilla warfare. .

Serbia

Reuters 11 July 2004 New Serb President Pledges Cooperation with Hague BELGRADE (Reuters/BGNES)- New Serbian President Boris Tadic said on Sunday cooperating with The Hague war crimes tribunal was a priority and urged people across the Balkans to apologize for past atrocities. In other comments likely to please the West, the reformist leader vowed as he took office to help bring Serbia towards joining the wealthy European Union, which on May 1 expanded across the former Iron Curtain to Serbia's northern border. His victory against hard-line nationalist Tomislav Nikolic in a presidential election two weeks ago was applauded by major powers as a sign that Serbia once and for all was breaking with Slobodan Milosevic's turbulent rule in the 1990s. They hope he will help end feuding among pro-democracy politicians who split acrimoniously after ousting Milosevic. The former strongman is now standing trial at the UN court in The Hague for war crimes during Yugoslavia's violent collapse. "The history of crimes in the Balkans is a long one. A lot of blood has been spilled in the region in the past," Tadic said in a televised speech after being sworn in as Serbia's first new president since Milosevic's overthrow four years ago. The president has only limited powers, but has a seat on the country's top defense body and also sign laws into effect. "I believe that all people from this region should make one great historic apology to each other.” “And in that context it is particularly important to look at one's own crimes," said Tadic, an economic liberal who heads the center-left Democratic Party. He praised a Bosnian Serb government report last month which admitted that Serb forces murdered thousands of Muslims in the eastern Bosnian town of Srebrenica in 1995, calling it a "brave and patriotic" example of how to examine the truth. With the election out of the way, Belgrade faces renewed Western pressure to hand over key figures wanted by The Hague, especially wartime Bosnian Serb military chief Ratko Mladic. Neighboring Croatia has stepped up cooperation with the tribunal and last month officially became an EU candidate country, a status Serbia at present can only dream about. "Cooperation with the war crimes court is a priority of our foreign and domestic policies because it confirms our dedication to European values," said Tadic, a telegenic 46-year-old. Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica, a conservative whose government would likely have to carry out any arrest, has been more critical of a court many Serbs see as biased. Serbian officials insist they do not know the whereabouts of Mladic, accused of genocide in Srebrenica. But three generals also wanted by The Hague live more or less openly in Serbia. One of them, former Pristina Corps commander Vladimir Lazarevic, said on Sunday that extraditing him would represent a betrayal of those who died during the 1998-99 Kosovo war. "The army's hands are clean," he told BK television. Analysts had warned that Nikolic as president would have risked renewed isolation for Serbia as the Radical Party, parliament's biggest group, is officially led by war crimes suspect Vojislav Seselj from behind bars in The Hague. Its 82 deputies in the 250-seat assembly wore white T-shirts emblazoned with Seselj's picture when Tadic took the oath as president.

AP 12 July 2004 Serb general calls extradition 'treason' KATARINA KRATOVAC Associated Press BELGRADE, Serbia- Montenegro - One of four Serb generals indicted for alleged war crimes in Kosovo made a defiant television appearance Sunday and said that turning him over to the Netherland-based U.N. court would be an act of treason. Gen. Vladimir Lazarevic commanded Serb-led troops in the 1999 Kosovo campaign in which nearly 10,000 Kosovo Albanians were killed. In an interview on Serbia's BK TV, he said that his extradition or that of the other three generals "would be treasonous, it would betray the memory of fallen Serbs and would provide amnesty for all war crimes committed against Serbs." The interview coincided with Serbia's inauguration of its first pro-democracy president since World War II. Boris Tadic, who took office in the capital, Belgrade, has pushed for handing over of war crimes suspects. He repeated Sunday that cooperation with The Hague court remained his republic's top priority. Lazarevic was indicted by the U.N. tribunal last year, along with three other Serb army and police generals who all remain at large: Former army chief of staff Gen. Nebojsa Pavkovic and police generals Sreten Lukic and Vlastimir Djordjevic. Only Djordjevic is believed to have fled the country. The four are accused of a "joint criminal enterprise" together with former President Slobodan Milosevic. Milosevic is standing trial in The Hague for Kosovo and other alleged war crimes committed by Serb-led troops during the Balkan wars in the 1990s. "This indictment is an indictment against our entire army; our destinies will determine Serbia's destiny," Lazarevic said, repeating sentiments shared by anti-Western hard-liners. "If I am extradited . . . unthinkable crimes by ethnic Albanian terrorists would be pardoned, as would the crime of the NATO alliance's aggression against our country." In an April interview with the Beta news agency, Lazarevic said he would not surrender on his own and that he only followed orders, acting for the good of all the soldiers under his command.

BBC 26 July, 2004 UN and Nato slammed over Kosovo Peacekeepers are accused of standing by as Kosovo burned The United Nations and Nato have been accused of failing in their duty to protect the minority victims of ethnic clashes in Kosovo earlier this year. Pressure group Human Rights Watch also accused the international community of being in denial over its failure. The UN and Nato have rebuffed the report and defended their role. Hundreds of homes were torched and 19 people killed when ethnic Albanian mobs turned on the UN-administered province's Serb minority in March. Security reforms The Human Rights Watch report said the province's UN mission, which operates a 3,500-strong police force, and its 18,000 Nato-backed peacekeepers had not co-ordinated their response to the violence which swept the province. "In many cases, minorities under attack were left entirely unprotected and at the mercy of the rioters," it said, adding that local police were ill-equipped to deal with the rioting. The report called for more international troops and police personnel to be deployed in the province to contain future outbursts. It also demanded the reform of "international security structures" and for the province's diverse foreign forces to be brought under a clearer, unified command. "In too many cases, Nato peacekeepers locked the gates to their bases and watched as Serb homes burned," Rachel Denber from Human Rights Watch's Europe and Central Asia division said. The report cited several instances of mobs attacking Serb property within close proximity of peacekeepers' bases. 'Armchair' criticism But a spokesman for Kosovo's Nato forces, Col Horst Pieper, told the Associated Press news agency the pressure group had ignored the realities on the ground. "These reports coming from [an] armchair position do not pay any respect to the efforts of the soldiers," who, he said, "quickly stabilised the situation". The UN mission in Kosovo said the report did not appreciate the challenge that the violence had posed to the peacekeepers and police. Hundreds of people, most of them Serbs, are still homeless after the riots, which swept through Kosovo over two days in March this year. Investigations into the origins of the violence have blamed local media for stoking inter-ethnic tensions. It was the worst violence Kosovo had seen since 1999, when a Nato bombing campaign ended a Serb crackdown in the mainly ethnic-Albanian province. Though governed by the UN, the province is formally still under Belgrade's rule and its final status has yet to be resolved.

United Kingdom

Guardian UK 2 July 2004 Comment Why both Blair and the left have been silent on Sudan The Iraq war has blunted the west's appetite for foreign interventions David Clark Friday July 2, 2004 The Guardian If this week's visit to Sudan by the US secretary of state Colin Powell has done nothing else, it has at least broken the deafening silence with which the unfolding humanitarian tragedy in the western region of Darfur has been greeted over the past year. Will it galvanise the international community to prevent further slaughter, or will it turn out to be another false dawn for the ideal of universal human rights? Countless lives hang on the answer. What shouldn't be doubted is that in the scale of human suffering, the Darfur crisis has already surpassed the one that provoked Nato to intervene in Kosovo five years ago. There are currently 150,000 refugees living in camps in neighbouring Chad, with a further 1 million internally displaced in Darfur itself. With the rainy season already upon them, many of these people will soon be impossible to reach. Their prospects appear bleak. According to Andrew Natsios of USAid: "If nothing changes, we will have a million casualties. If things improve, we can get it down to about 300,000 deaths." Estimates of the numbers of civilians already killed in the fighting run as high as 30,000. As in the Balkans, violence and suffering are being inflicted on the innocent as a calculated act of policy. The conflict started as a rebellion against a repressive Islamist regime that has long practised ethnic and religious exclusion. Although, unlike the Christians of southern Sudan, the people of Darfur are co-religionists of the governing elite in Khartoum, they are also mainly black African, as opposed to Arab, and have suffered from years of marginalisation and discrimination. The insurgency, which began in early 2003, has met with a brutal response in which the distinction between combatant and non-combatant has been deliberately ignored. The regime, directly and indirectly through its sponsorship of local Arab militia known as the Janjaweed, indiscriminately targets black African towns and villages, murdering large numbers of inhabitants before driving out the rest and destroying their homes in a programme of "ethnic cleansing". Witness statements collected by NGOs working with the displaced confirm the scale and barbarity of the violence. As so often in the past, the widespread use of rape and other forms of extreme sexual cruelty against women and girls is a favoured weapon of the militias. A report by Human Rights Watch recounts the horrific experience of an 18-year-old woman who had a knife forcibly inserted into her vagina. The Janjaweed militiaman responsible is said to have told her: "You get this because you are black." Even those who have fled across the border to Chad have been pursued by their tormentors. If all this appears shockingly reminiscent of the experiences of Rwanda and Bosnia a decade ago, so does the hand-wringing approach taken by many western governments, including our own. Read the speeches of Labour ministers on Sudan and you will hear echoes of Douglas Hurd circa 1994. The situation is an appalling tragedy for which all sides must share some blame. The regime has let the situation get out of control and must reign in the militias. Let's put a few lightly armed monitors on the ground and have a quiet word with the warring parties to see if they can't be brought to their senses. The problem with this analysis is that it wholly misconceives the nature of the conflict. The tragedy of Darfur is not the result of some ghastly mistake; it is the product of a criminal enterprise purposefully orchestrated by the regime. All the authoritative reporting on Darfur, including the report of the UN high commissioner for human rights, describes exactly the same pattern of events. Attacks usually start with the bombing of crowded areas, such as village markets, by fixed-wing aircraft or attack helicopters operated by the government. They are then followed by ground assaults involving Sudanese regulars and the Janjaweed, often operating together. Against this background it is naive to imagine that a durable settlement can be achieved by diplomacy alone. The international community can extract as many promises of cooperation and restraint as it likes. Khartoum has broken countless similar pledges before and won't hesitate to do so again when it thinks it can get away with it. The only pressure likely to modify its behaviour in the long term is the belief that the international community would be willing to use force as a last resort. No one is arguing for a ground invasion now, but for the threat to be effective, the intent would have to be real. The first step should be for the security council to pass a resolution authorising all necessary means to prevent further slaughter. As part of this it should enforce a no-fly zone, with further steps to follow if the regime refuses to stop its attacks on civilians or blocks relief supplies from reaching the displaced. A commission should also be established to investigate war crimes allegations and remind members of the Sudanese government that they will be held to account for their actions. Until recently, Labour understood how to deal with regimes like Sudan. But instead of diplomacy backed by the credible threat of force, we now have empty promises backed by an incredible leap of faith. The reason for this change is no mystery. It can be summed up in one word - Iraq. Having cried wolf over the threat posed by Saddam, Britain and America have found themselves incapacitated in the face of a far more pressing humanitarian crisis. They are too overstretched, in military resources and in political credibility, to intervene in Sudan, so the people of Darfur will be left at the mercy of their government. In one sense, Labour can afford to relax, safe in the belief that the political cost of this is likely to be low. The Chomsky/Pilger left, which led the charge against the Iraq war, has been morally disarmed by its insistence that the use of force by the west must always, by definition, be wrong. Like Tony Blair and George Bush, it has nothing to offer the suffering of Sudan - so it affects not to notice them. This explains the silence. But there is one important respect in which the Sudan crisis shows how Blair's kaleidoscope has been irrevocably shaken by the Iraq war. It goes back to the speech he gave to the Labour conference in Brighton shortly after 9/11, when he promised that: "If Rwanda happened again... we would have a moral duty to act." Until now, the criticism most often levelled at Blair by his own party - that he has failed to be a good socialist - has bounced off him with predictably little effect. The far more dangerous criticism that can now be levelled at him is that he is no longer capable of being a good Blairite. · David Clark was a special adviser at the Foreign Office from 1997 to 2001

BBC 16 July, 2004, Tributes paid to Rwanda survivors Hundreds of thousands of people were killed in the Rwandan genocide Hundreds of women gathered in London's Trafalgar Square on Friday to honour the survivors of the Rwandan genocide. First-hand accounts were read by the Rwandan ambassador to the UK, singers Beverley Knight and Kym Mazelle and journalist Polly Toynbee. The event marked the 10th anniversary of the end of the massacres. It aimed to raise awareness of the plight of women in Rwanda, many of whom were raped by HIV-positive men, and of free medical treatment for them. Hundreds of thousands of Rwandans - mostly minority Tutsis - were slaughtered in the genocide of 1994. 'Incredible response' The survivors' testimonies at the event highlighted the stories of some of the 25,000 women and girls who were raped. Mary Kayitesi Blewitt, who lost more than 50 of her relatives in the genocide, said: "It is so heartening to witness the incredible response of the British people to this urgent call to action." "Without such support, we will not succeed in securing the vital treatment needed for women survivors in Rwanda raped and infected with HIV in 1994." A 1,000-signature was handed in calling for the British Government to increase pressure on the international community to do more to fund medical treatment for women victims.

Scotsman.com 16 Jul 2004 Tribute to Rwandan Genocide Survivors By Karen Attwood, PA News Baroness Shirley Williams and actress Helen Baxendale were among hundreds of women who gathered today to pay tribute to survivors of the 100-day Rwandan genocide. Actress Josie D’Arby was compering an all-day “Reading of the Testimonies” in London’s Trafalgar Square to mark the 10th anniversary of the end of the massacre. More than 100 women were reading first-hand accounts of the genocide, including the Rwandan Ambassador to the UK, Rosemary Museminali, singers Kym Mazelle and Beverly Knight, and journalist Polly Toynbee. The event aims not only to raise awareness of the plight of women in Rwanda today but will also focus attention on the initiative of organiser Surf – the Rwandan Survivors’ Fund – for free antiretroviral treatment for women survivors. Opening the event at 8am, Surf director Mary Kayitesi Blewitt, who lost more than 50 of her relatives in the genocide, called the day “remarkable”. “It is so heartening to witness the incredible response of the British people to this urgent call to action,” she said. “Without such support, we will not succeed in securing the vital treatment needed for women survivors in Rwanda raped and infected with HIV in 1994.” Before reading a moving testimony, Miss Baxendale said it was “shameful that female survivors of the Rwandan genocide who have HIV haven’t got access to free antiretroviral drugs”. Hundreds of thousands of Rwandans – mostly minority Tutsis – were slaughtered in the 100-day genocide orchestrated by a regime run by extremists from the Hutu majority. The survivors’ testimonies highlight the stories of some of the 25,000 women and girls who were raped and deliberately infected by HIV-positive men in 1994. Readings are being interspersed with performances from African drum group Kakatsitsi and all-woman British drum group Drumher. There will also be short talks by male supporters of Surf, including Red Dwarf star Danny John-Jules and Babyfather actor David Harewood. Lindsey Hilsum, international editor of Channel 4 News, was the only British journalist in Kigali when the genocide began. She said: “People think the Rwandan genocide is over, that it ended 10 years ago. It didn’t. “Women are dying of the genocide today, because they were gang-raped in 1994 and are now living with HIV and Aids. Miss D’Arby, who helped organise today’s event, played a Rwandan refugee in a drama two years ago and met victims as part of her research. She said: “Remembering Rwanda is an important initiative for reminding governments and pharmaceutical companies that the world is watching how they treat its afflicted and waiting for them to do something monumental and inspirational.” From 6pm a parade of participants will set off for Downing Street, where they will submit a 1,000-signature petition to the Government. An Early Day Motion (EDM) has also been tabled by Surf patron Brian Cotter MP (Lib Dem, Weston-super-Mare) and has received cross-party support from more than 100 MPs. A spokeswoman for Surf said: “Both the petition and the EDM call for the British Government to increase pressure on the international community to do more to prioritise and fund medical treatment for this critically important group of women who are now HIV positive. “Presently many receive no medication, no shelter, and must cope with the trauma of being raped and the stigma of being HIV positive without support. “These women are often the sole survivors of their entire families – many with responsibility for supporting orphaned children."

Guardian UK 22 July 2004 Blair draws up plans to send troops to Sudan 22 July 2004 07:13 British Prime Minister Tony Blair has asked Downing Street and Foreign Office officials to draw up plans for possible military intervention in Sudan, where more than a million refugees are at risk from famine and disease. Despite a heavy commitment of British armed forces in Iraq and other troublespots, the prime minister has had discussions with advisers for on-the-ground involvement of troops. The prime minister is still hoping that diplomatic and political pressure on the Khartoum government will resolve the crisis without the need for military involvement. But with conditions in hundreds of camps sharply deteriorating this week with the onset of torrential rain, governments across Europe as well as the US are facing calls for action to prevent a repetition of the Rwanda genocide 10 years ago that claimed a million lives. A government official involved in the discussions said Blair was being given regular updates on the condition of the refugees in the Darfur region. "The prime minister has asked to look at all options that will save lives and not to rule out the military services," the official said. Three options for military action have been put forward in Downing Street: British servicemen to help with the delivery of aid if the humanitarian agencies can no longer cope. At present, the Belgian air force is helping to fly in aid. Britain is using civilian planes because they are cheaper. British logistical support for an African Union force of 60 monitors and 300-strong protection force being deployed in the Sudan. The AU force is short of equipment, including helicopters, vital given the poor state of Darfur's roads. British troops to protect refugee camps being harassed by marauding militias. This creation of safe zones would be the most risky of the options and would require the agreement of the Khartoum government, which would be reluctant to give it. The fact that Blair is prepared to consider military options, even limited ones, so soon after the Iraq war may create controversy, not least among critics who already regard him as too interventionist. It would be his sixth military venture since becoming prime minister in 1997. Blair, speaking at the Labour party conference in 2001, said he would have a moral duty to intervene in any country to prevent a repetition of Rwanda. Two years earlier, Blair set out in Chicago a doctrine for intervention in humanitarian cases. Asked about Sudan in the Commons yesterday, Blair did not mention the military option. But he said he "ruled absolutely nothing out". A ministerial source said pressure was building on Blair and the foreign secretary, Jack Straw. "For Straw and Blair, Rwanda was a marker for the world," he said. "A reprise of Rwanda chills everyone's blood." Straw is to fly to Sudan soon to assess the plight of the refugees at first-hand. The UN security council is shortly to table a resolution that is expected to set out a timetable to put pressure on the Sudanese government to resolve the crisis. The Darfur refugees, mainly women and children, were forced to flee their homes after attacks by the Janjaweed, a militia armed by the Khartoum government to help combat rebels. The government, which initially slowed access by aid organisations to Darfur, has so far failed to fulfil promises to the UN to disarm the Janjaweed. The onset of heavy rain in recent weeks has brought chaos to the camps by cutting off roads and aid, destroying shelters and disrupting water supplies, leaving malnourished refugees vulnerable to disease. There is intense debate between Downing Street and the Foreign Office about the best approach. Some, especially in the Foreign Office, see military involvement as impractical given that Darfur is the size of France, and favour continuing to cajole the government into reining in the Janjaweed and making the camps secure. Intervention in Sudan would help Blair counter critics who accuse him of intervening only when US or British self-interest is at stake. Britain sent soldiers to Sierra Leone in 2000 in support of a beleaguered UN force: the other interventions were Kosovo, Afghanistan and twice in Iraq. In spite of complaints by the Ministry of Defence about the overstretch of military resources, it could provide a few hundred servicemen. A request for thousands would be problematic. Government officials concede that the US is unlikely to put any troops on the ground and there is little support elsewhere in Europe. At prime minister's question time, the Liberal Democrat leader, Charles Kennedy, asked Blair: "What scope do you see for further practical steps now ... to assist the millions of Sudanese facing ethnic cleansing and starvation?" Blair said he was in touch with ministers on the issue every day and had spoken to the UN secretary general, Kofi Annan, twice over the past couple of weeks. He said it was vital to "make sure whatever aid is given gets through to the people who need it most and secondly to keep up pressure on the government of Sudan to make sure they are dealing with the real problems that are giving rise to the violence and ethnic cleansing."

BBC 25 July 2004 UK troops 'ready to go to Sudan' The UK would be able to send 5,000 troops to Sudan to help ease the humanitarian crisis, the Army's most senior general has said. Chief of General Staff Sir Mike Jackson told the BBC's HARDtalk programme: "I suspect we could put a brigade together very quickly indeed." Tony Blair has said the crisis does not yet require British military intervention. Pro-government Arab militias have forced more than one million black Africans from their homes in Darfur. Efforts are ongoing to agree a UN Security Council resolution urging the Sudanese government to curb the conflict, which the US Congress has labelled as "genocide". The UK has done as much, if not more, than any other nation in the world Hilary Benn International Development Secretary In an interview to be shown on HARDtalk on Friday and Monday, General Sir Mike said: "If need be we will be able to go to Sudan. I suspect we could put a brigade together very quickly indeed." He added that that would mean 5,000 troops. The government announced this week that 20,000 posts are to be axed across the Armed Forces. The Army is to lose four infantry battalions but General Sir Mike denied it would be left overstretched and unable to mount operations in places like Sudan. He told HARDtalk: "The Army is there to be used and it will have to go over its guidelines when the pressure is on." He accepted some equipment was in short supply in Iraq, due to "the speed at which things had to be done". Denial Mr Blair told reporters on Thursday he had not ruled out sending the Army to the Sudan but the "critical thing" in the short-term was to try and make the current international strategy work. International Development Secretary Hilary Benn has defended the government's handling of the crisis and said the UK was the largest financial donor. He told the BBC Radio 4 Today programme the Sudan government was in denial about what was happening and the UK was leading international pressure on them. Countries such as France and Germany have the opportunity to make a significant contribution Sir Menzies Campbell Lib Dem foreign affairs spokesman, He said: "We have made it very clear to the government of Sudan that if they don't act to bring these attacks to an end, further consequences will indeed follow." Mr Benn added: "The UK has done as much, if not more, than any other nation in the world." But the Liberal Democrats want an EU-led force to intervene, under a UN mandate. Foreign affairs spokesman, Sir Menzies Campbell, has written to Foreign Secretary Jack Straw saying food aid and diplomatic pressure is not enough. He said: "With US and British forces stretched to breaking point, countries such as France and Germany have the opportunity to make a significant contribution. Tory international development spokesman John Bercow, who has just returned from the Sudan, said there was a "a lot to be said" for military intervention. But added that this should probably be undertaken through an EU or UN force. "On the humanitarian front, Hilary Benn has done a good job but there is a huge mismatch between our humanitarian policy and our foreign policy," he told BBC's Breakfast with Frost on Sunday. An Oxfam aid flight with 30 tonnes of water and sanitation equipment was due to leave on Friday night, but is set to be delayed until Sunday. The HARDtalk interview will be repeated on BBC News 24 on Monday 0430 BST.

Guardian UK UK could send troops to Sudan 'quickly' Brian Whitaker Saturday July 24, 2004 The Guardian Britain could send 5,000 troops to Sudan very quickly if the government decides to intervene in the humanitarian crisis, the head of the army said yesterday. "If need be we will be able to go to Sudan," General Sir Mike Jackson, the chief of general staff, told BBC News 24's Hardtalk programme. "I suspect we could put a brigade together very quickly indeed." Pressure for intervention was growing yesterday after the US House of Representatives unanimously approved a resolution declaring that "the atrocities unfolding in Darfur ... are genocide". In defiance of complaints from Sudanese officials that their country is being treated like Iraq, members of the house urged President George Bush to seek a UN resolution threatening sanctions against those responsible and authorising a multinational force to protect displaced people and humanitarian workers. A draft security council resolution is already circulating at the Un headquarters in New York. The UN estimates that the 15-month conflict between Arab nomads and black African farmers has killed at least 30,000 people and displaced more than 1 million. Although Sudan has promised to protect displaced civilians and disarm the Arab Janjaweed militias, western diplomats say it has not done enough - particularly in terms of reining-in the militias. The hope in Washington and London is that sight of the draft resolution will persuade Khartoum to comply, rather than dig its heels in, but officials say they will press ahead with a vote if they feel the pressure is not working. The UN has been reluctant to use the word "genocide", which in law has a specific and rather narrow definition. Colin Powell, the US secretary of state, said the terminology used was less important than fixing the problem. "Whatever you call it, it's a catastrophe," he said after meeting the UN secretary-general, Kofi Annan, on Thursday. "People are dying at an increasing rate. Right now this is a matter for the Sudanese government to handle. They have been supporting and sustaining some of these Janjaweed elements, and this has to end. Since they turned it [the violence] on, they can turn it off. We made it clear to them that there will be consequences if it is not turned off." Mr Annan, speaking at the same press conference, gave short shrift to Sudan's accusations that the US and Britain were meddling in its internal affairs. "Once they [the Sudanese government] do what is right, the meddling will stop," he said. Tony Blair has asked Downing Street and Foreign Office officials to draw up plans for a possible military intervention, but Britain's immediate focus is on supporting the African Union, (AU) which is deploying 60 ceasefire monitors backed up by a 300-strong protection force in Darfur. The AU, a continent-wide group, has worked successfully in the Nuba mountains area of Sudan, and Britain is trying to ensure that the monitors will have everything they need to operate effectively. British officials say the maintenance of the shaky ceasefire agreed between the Sudanese government and rebel groups in Darfur in April is a matter for both sides. In some cases the rebels are not respecting the ceasefire, they say. Unlike the US-led invasion of Iraq, any military intervention in Sudan is likely to come under UN auspices. Britain and the US are taking a cautious line, partly because their armed forces are already heavily committed in Iraq and other trouble spots, but also because they recognise that Sudan could become another long-term commitment. "Once you're in, you can't leave till it's sorted out," said Ellie Goldsworthy, a defence analyst at the Royal United Services Institute. Britain's most effective role could be in supplying "brain power", especially in the fields of planning, logistics and support, she said, adding that even this could turn into a major commitment. "While we can aim to simply provide logistic support, we've got to be prepared to provide as much as is required."

independent.co.uk 28 July 2004 War in Iraq 'preventing efforts to stop Sudan genocide' By Ben Russell, Political Correspondent 28 July 2004 Britain and America's preoccupation with Iraq has blocked international efforts to end genocide in the war-torn Darfur region of Sudan, according to a highly critical report published by a think-tank close to Tony Blair. The study, to be published today, said that the war in Iraq had prevented effective planning for military intervention which could have bolstered diplomatic efforts to prevent the bloodshed, which has driven more than a million people from their homes. It warned that discussion on Iraq had prevented the United Nations Security Council discussing the Darfur crisis in May and diverted attention from clear warning signs that started emerging more than a year ago. The study, which was published by the Foreign Policy Centre, a left-of-centre think-tank which counts Mr Blair as its patron, said that there was a fatal lack of political resolve to take strong action against the Khartoum government, a key American ally in the war on international terrorism. Yesterday the report's author, Dr Greg Austin, a specialist who has led Government funded research into conflict prevention, said the lessons of the Rwandan genocide had not been learnt. He said British and American military action in Iraq had prevented the two countries considering putting "boots on the ground" in Sudan, and criticised the United Nations for omitting Darfur from the agenda of the Security Council in May "since the focus of discussion was on Iraq". A string of options ranging from sanctions to developing contingency plans for military action had been available as clear signs of genocide emerged over the past year, the report maintained. "During the Darfur genocide, these options were available to the international community as early as September 2003. By June 2004 no action had been taken in any way that might credibly have led the perpetrators to cease the genocide," it said. The report fiercely criticised Britain and the United States for backing "quiet diplomacy", arguing that such an approach was "utterly inappropriate" for the situation in Darfur. It added: "Major powers and the UN have been fearful of angering Khartoum before it concludes a peace agreement in its civil war in the south. "Furthermore, the political leaders of some major powers may lack the political resolve to intervene in Darfur because of their commitments elsewhere in the world. Major powers do not want to jeopardise good relations with the Sudanese government in the 'war on terrorism'," the report said. Dr Austin, who said he wrote his report in a personal capacity, insisted that the whole of the international community had failed to act in Darfur. But he warned: "The commitment of the US and the UK in Iraq and the use of military force in Iraq pushed them away from considering any sort of military option... "What the Iraq war should not have prevented them from doing was working on the possibility of international partners to find somebody willing to take on some role. There was nothing stopping them getting together a coalition of the willing to start to plan things." Ministers have insisted Britain is at the forefront of aid efforts in Darfur but Dr Austin said politicians risked overlooking the perpetrators of genocide by characterising the conflict as a humanitarian crisis. John Bercow, the shadow Secretary of State for International Development, called on ministers to back an international force to secure aid efforts in Darfur and to police a ceasefire. He said: "We are at 59 minutes after the 11th hour. Every day lives are being lost, women are being raped and lives are being destroyed. It is an unstable, dangerously failing state." The US told UN Security Council members yesterday to be ready to vote this week on a resolution warning Sudan to protect Darfur civilians.

Global

observer.guardian.co.uk Comment Why tyrants must stand trial Making war criminals answer for their actions is a long and tedious process. But humanity needs to hear David Cesarani Sunday July 11, 2004 The Observer The trial of Slobodan Milosevic in the Hague is in trouble, a worrying augury when Saddam Hussein awaits further days in court. The problem is not Milosevic's failing health. His trial has dragged on for two years and the prosecution has only now completed its case. He has been presented with 400,000 pages of evidence. One observer noted that if the former Serbian leader read three pages a minute, 12 hours a day, seven days a week, it would take him more than six months to ingest the evidence. This would floor a well man. Even if counsel is foisted on Milosevic, his lawyer will have to digest the mass of material. Then there are the witnesses Milosevic intends to call: Jacques Chirac, Tony Blair and Bill Clinton. Milosevic doubtless wants to accuse the Western leaders of war crimes by sanctioning the bombing of Belgrade. He will point to international bullies, such as China, who have escaped their attention, and claim the tribunal represents 'victor's justice'. The potential embarrassment is unlimited. This should come as no surprise. The trial of the Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann in Jerusalem in 1961-2 is widely regarded as a crucial step along the path that leads to Milosevic and Saddam facing justice today. The prosecution of the man who organised the annihilation of Europe's Jews is celebrated for advancing the application of international law covering crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide. The Eichmann trial is also credited with raising public awareness of the Nazi persecution and mass murder of Jews. It is seen as a classic 'historic trial'. Advertiser links Volunteer Internationally Experience a country from a whole new perspective by signing... crossculturalsolutions.org Volunteer in 24 Countries Worldwide Volunteer travel and TEFL training. Projects in... hypertracker.com Volunteers Required in India Smile Society is one of the NGOs working for the welfare of... smilengo.org But scrutiny of the Eichmann trial, and the Nuremberg tribunal of 1945-46 on which it drew precedent, helps to explain why the Milosevic trial has run into trouble. It should also serve as a warning, rather than an inspiration, to those now contemplating the trial of Saddam Hussein. As head of the 'Jewish Office' of the Gestapo between 1941 and 1944, Eichmann oversaw the deportation of millions of Jews to death camps. He escaped to Argentina and remained undetected until 1957. In May 1960, the Israeli secret service kidnapped Eichmann in violation of Argentine sovereignty. It is a myth that David Ben Gurion, Isreal's prime minister, wanted a trial to tell the world of the genocide of the Jews. But when the abduction was denounced at the UN, and prominent Jews demanded Eichmann appear before an international tribunal, Ben Gurion saw how a trial could demonstrate the rationale for Jewish statehood. Eichmann would be tried in Jerusalem precisely to show that the Jews now determined their own fate - and that of any enemy who fell into their hands. Initially, preparation of the Eichmann case was handled by the Israeli police. They sought documents and witnesses that linked him directly to the genocide. This resulted in a case confined to geographical areas where there was a paper trail incriminating Eichmann. But when the newly-appointed attorney general of Israel, Gideon Hausner, took over the prosecution he revamped the case. He wanted the trial to recall the genocidal campaign against Europe's Jews. Hausner, under intense political pressure, doubled the number of witnesses to provide this scope and give the hearings an emotional edge. Ben Gurion intervened to ensure that his role in unsuccessful and controversial rescue negotiations with the Nazis was never mentioned. Foreign minister Golda Meir wanted comparisons made with the fate of black Africans under colonialism. Teddy Kollek, the director of Ben Gurion's office, set out to produce the media trial of the century, converting a theatre into a courtroom and arranging for proceedings to be televised. Facilities were provided for 450 journalists. The trial opened in a blaze of publicity but within days the press had gone. In terms of its immediate impact the Eichmann trial, like Nuremberg, was a flop. Those despairing of the minimal coverage of the Milosevic trial should have heeded these examples. Historic trials are by their nature long and dull. They are self-defeating because the media cannot sustain interest in them. The journalist Rebecca West described Nuremberg as 'boredom on a huge, historic scale'. Telford Taylor, a prosecutor at Nuremberg who later covered Eichmann's trial, complained that journalists had not come to Jerusalem 'to be bored to tears by long lectures and legal argument'. They can also be counterproductive thanks to the antics of the defendants. At Nuremberg, Rudolf Hess, once deputy führer, seemed a harmless lunatic. Göring, by contrast, tore into his accuser, Justice Jackson. Eichmann looked so inoffensive that Simon Wiesenthal suggested he be dressed in SS uniform to remind people of what he once was. The sight of Saddam in chains has aroused conflicting emotions, even among Iraqis glad of their freedom. Some legal theorists argue that trials can have a cathartic effect, offering comfort to victims and helping a society move on from tyranny and atrocity. But this is not how it always seems. Legal procedure means that the narrative is chopped and disjointed. At Nuremberg, information about the destruction of the European Jews got lost among other evidence. The survivors who testified against Eichmann were coached as to what they could say. Trials can backfire. The first tactic of the defence is always to impugn the court's legitimacy. At Nuremberg, Göring pointed out that Russia, represented on the bench, had invaded Poland in 1939 and waged war against Finland in 1940. Dr Robert Servatius, who defended Nazis at Nuremberg prior to acting for Eichmann, was quick to denounce 'victors' justice'. Milosevic intends to call the French, British and American leaders, almost certainly in the hope of questioning them over their alleged war crimes. The Nuremberg tribunal, the Eichmann trial, and the prosecution of Milosevic demonstrate the same flaws. They were political and shaped by compromise. After initial publicity, media interest was ground down. Testimony given by survivors was hardly reported and the invisibility of the proceedings deprived the victims of satisfaction that justice was being seen to be done. But the alternative, such as the kangaroo court that condemned Nicolae Ceausescu, is worse. These prolonged show trials may be imperfect but they can reinforce democratic values by reasserting human rights and the rule of law over tyranny. They may not deliver instant understanding or reconciliation, but in the long run they establish a historical record that serves the future as testimony and admonition. · David Cesarani is research professor of history at Royal Holloway, London University. His book, Eichmann: His Life, Crimes and Legacy, is published by Heinemann on 5 August "