Africa

Algeria

World Amazigh Action Coalition (Washington, DC) 16 Oct 2001 Riots Continue in El-Kseur The city of El-Kseur has witnessed violent confrontations between young protesters and certain members of anti-riot forces since Friday, October 5, after representatives were prevented from reaching Algiers in a march. The total count of wounded protesters since the rioting started up again in this area reached 49, according to Liberté (8 October), which received its information from the polyclinic of El-Kseur, where the wounded were brought for treatment. Since that Friday night, upon the return of the first frustrated representatives to Naciria, young people spontaneously descended upon state police barracks after having barricaded all the city's major roadways with random objects and flaming tires. The next day, the riled up youths of El-Kseur returned to the fray. The headquarters of the town police as well as the state police brigade were targets of the rioters, who showered them with rocks and Molotov cocktails. All of the city's main roadways were cut off by barricades that demonstrators put up in order to thwart the offense of members of the CNS. The confrontations lasted until 1:00 a.m that night, and the town was inundated in tear gas. Thirty demonstrators were wounded, according to the report given by the committee of El-Kseur and confirmed by the Polyclinic. Some people suffered from fractures. On the following Sunday (October 7), the youths attacked the headquarters of the town security by throwing stones and other projectiles. Members of the CNS retaliated with tear gas bombs. Road access to the city was closed off to traffic, and businesses closed their doors. In the course of the day's confrontations, 19 protestors were wounded, according to the same hospital source. Hostilities continued between demonstrators and the CNS until around 5:00 pm. As of last Friday, October 12, a little less than 300 persons were reported injured (La Tribune), 17 of them considered critical. Students, on the school roads, have armed themselves with bottles of vinegar against the smoke of teargas grenades, which assault their nostrils. An unreported number of babies, all under a year old, have been asphyxiated. The city of Sidi-Aïch also witnessed some rioting a week ago Sunday, but less violent than those in El-Kseur, between dozens of young demonstrators and police forces. The headquarters of the town security was targeted by the rioters. Members of the antiriot brigades retaliated to the rock throwing with tear gas bombs. From the beginning of these confrontations, students of scholastic institutions left their schools. There were about ten wounded among the demonstrators. On the same day, in Seddouk, a group of young people lit tires on fire, but without clashing with security forces. Elsewhere, in Amizour, some high school students made their classmates leave their classes. Here, as in Seddouk, there were no signs of violent confrontation. Six months after the beginning of the revolt of Kabylia and some other regions of Algeria--the most recent being Labiodh Sidi Cheikh--, the rioters appear more determined than ever. The situation is alarming as it is not only El-Kseur, which is affected by violent confrontations. Many localities in the Soummam Valley have been affected, notably, in Ighil Ali, where youth closed national route No. 26 on Saturday morning (October 13). In Amizour, students have been on strike since last Tuesday. Some observers are expecting an eventual inflammation of the entire region of Kabylia. http://www.waac.org/amazigh/news/2001/10-16-01.html

BBC 4 Oct 2001, Algeria's Berbers get language rights Algerian police will come under investigation By North Africa correspondent David Bamford The Government of Algeria says it has agreed to a series of demands by the ethnic Berber community, including official recognition of the Berber language. A statement issued by President Abdelaziz Bouteflika said that a constitutional amendment will be drawn up instituting the change. Bouteflika: Constitutional amendment Such reforms had previously been strongly opposed by powerful circles in the majority Arab community, in particular the military, as well as by the Islamist movement. A statement issued by President Bouteflika said the government had agreed to the demands after serious unrest flared up following the killing of Berber protestors by police last April. The recognition of the Berber language, known as Tamazight, as an official language of the country will require changing the constitution. It is nothing short of a fundamental reappraisal of the way Algeria regards itself. Since independence from France in 1962, the majority Arab community, backed by both the military and Islamist lobbies, have maintained that Arabic must be the sole language to be recognised by the state. That has always been regarded as an affront by the Berbers, who claim to represent over a quarter of the population and say their culture and language are distinct. The impetus for the change has been the recent Berber unrest which has provoked a wave of ethnic sentiment that brought hundreds of thousands of Berbers onto the streets, clearly startling the military-backed government. Compensation Its announcement of concessions comes as Prime Minister Ali Benflis begins a series of conciliatory meetings with Berber leaders. He is telling them that the government will also agree to initiate legal proceedings against paramilitary police accused of shooting dead some 60 Berber civilians during the recent clashes. An official inquiry has already judged that the deaths were a result of police over-reaction to peaceful protests. Compensation for victims is also to be paid and other demands, including regional economic improvements, are to be considered.

BBC 25 Sept 2001, Algeria's Berbers reject president's offer The demands included legal action against police By BBC North Africa correspondent David Bamford Leaders of the ethnic Berber movement in Algeria have rejected an offer by President Abdelaziz Bouteflika to formally receive their list of 15 demands. They say they intend to go ahead with a mass rally that is likely to lead to a major confrontation. Berber representatives meeting in the Kabylie regional capital of Tizi Ouzou said it was too late for the government to be making such an offer after five months of confrontation in which at least 80 people have died and hundreds have been injured. The 15 demands were ostensibly aimed at bringing an end to the destabilizing campaign against the Arab-dominated government. 'National reconciliation' The demands included legal action against police involved in killing Berber civilians, an economic plan to end social deprivation in Kabylie and recognition by the state of the Berber language and culture. President Bouteflika said that with the imminent international war against terrorism in which Algeria will be playing a full part, now was the time for national reconciliation. Berber leaders says the president's offer comes too late But a Berber spokesman said that they had already gone to the government in good faith on three occasions to present their demands and been rejected each time. Only a positive response to the demands would now be sufficient, he said. The Berbers decided to go ahead with a mass demonstration in the capital, Algiers, on 5 October - the anniversary of the bread riots in 1988 that led to the collapse of the one-party system. With demonstrations banned in Algiers since June, when the last big Berber rally there attracted nearly a million people and degenerated into violence, the government may find it hard to stave off a confrontation. Algeria hears Berber demands Clashes have erupted as Berbers press for recognition By BBC North Africa correspondent David Bamford The president of Algeria, Abdelaziz Bouteflika, has invited leaders of the ethnic Berber community to formally present to the government their demands for social and political changes. President Bouteflika has said was appointing his Prime Minister, Ali Benflis, to act as chief negotiator in an attempt to end continuing unrest, during which 80 people have been killed. Berbers have issued a list of demands Three months ago Berber leaders published a list of 15 demands on which an end to their mass demonstrations depended. Now President Bouteflika has announced that the government is ready to negotiate a settlement. Mass rallies The President is clearly anxious to bring an end to the five months of social unrest that has rocked the government's hold on power. One reason that Mr Bouteflika may be trying to appear reasonable now, is because he wants to ward off plans by the Berbers to hold another mass rally on 5 October. The Berber demands include: judicial trials for paramilitary policemen involved in killing unarmed Berber civilians in April and May an economic emergency plan to deal with social deprivation in their area official recognition of the Berber language The government may be restricted in the number of concessions it can give, without prompting a destabilising reaction within conservative, Islamist and military circles. Many regard the Berber culture to be an aberration, in what the Algerian constitution states is a society with Arabic as its only official language.

Angola

Xinhua (China) 23 Oct 2001 LUANDA About 1,600 people have abandoned a village in Angola's central Bie province over the past few days due to continuing military conflicts between the government and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) rebels. The village of Belo Horizonte, about 60 kilometers north of the provincial capital Cuito and about 530 kilometers southeast of Angolan capital of Luanda, was attacked last week by UNITA rebels, which was later successfully repelled by government troops, the Portuguese news agency Lusa reported on Monday. The refugees are not receiving any humanitarian aid and are sleeping outdoors, the report said. It has not been possible to determine the current military situation in Belo Horizonte since a government army source said the area could be considered as "no-man's land", according to the report. The strategically important settlement of Belo Horizonte controls access to the north of Bie Province, which had been a UNITA stronghold before falling to the government forces two years ago.

IRIN 5 Oct 2001 ANGOLA: UNITA rebels kill 80 in diamond zone JOHANNESBURG, Angolan rebels gunned down more than 80 diamond diggers in an attack in the gem-rich northeast of the country, Reuters reported on Friday, quoting Voice of America (VOA). "More than 80 people were killed and various others wounded while others fled into the bush after an attack near Kuango," said the US radio service, which has a local station in the Angolan capital. The aim of the attack on Saturday, which a local source blamed on members of UNITA, was to steal food, the source said. Many of the wounded leapt into the Kuango River, the source told VOA. The attack follows the murder of six chiefs two weeks ago by UNITA rebels in the Kuango area, which is deemed to have the best diamonds in Angola. Since its formation in 1966 UNITA has used diamonds to buy arms in illegal trade that earned the rebels, under elusive leader Jonas Savimbi, as much as US $3 billion between 1992 and 1998. Many of Angola's thousands of diamond diggers, known as garimpeiros, come from across the border in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). It was not clear from the report how many foreigners had been killed.

IRIN 5 Oct 2001 ANGOLA: Government reacts to church peace initiative - The Angolan government has responded to the Campaign against War in Angola which the Catholic church and the Open Society Foundation launched last month. The campaign sent a clear message both to the government and the UNITA rebels that they should lay down their weapons for the sake of all Angolans. Interior minister Fernando da Piedade Dias dos Santos, quoted in the state newspaper 'Jornal de Angola' on Thursday, said everyone in the government agreed on reaching peace through dialogue. When asked whether the church's campaign clashed with the government's plans, the minister said they did not clash "because during the first contacts we made with all the political parties and the churches, we asked that we all be allowed to participate together in the spirit of creating a culture of tolerance among citizens". The minister's remarks come as a surprise after a generally negative response to the campaign in the government media. State television described it as a campaign by the opposition. The head of the Catholic church in Angola, Archbishop Zacarias Kamwenho, objected strongly to the report, insisting that the church was taking a non-party political stand. The Catholic Church is a respected social force in Angola, and it would be difficult for the government to distance itself publicly from the message of the campaign. But, according to reports, despite the reconciliatory words of the interior minister, there was no suggestion that the government would alter its stated goal of a military victory against UNITA.

Reuters 5 Oct 2001 U.S. Will Help Angola End Its War - Ambassador LUANDA - The United States will help Angola end its decades-old war and secure democracy in the south-west African country, the new U.S. ambassador to Luanda said on Friday. ``The United States is trying to participate to help end the war that Angola has had for many years and in the same manner help create a durable peace in the country,'' Christopher William Dell said on his arrival at Luanda airport. Dell said he would work with the government, churches and civil organizations to build a strong democracy. He said the suicide attacks in the United States last month would not get in the way. ``Those that pursue war here in Angola, ever more senselessly, must not be permitted to impede the democracy that is taking root here in Angola,'' Dell said. ``We know that it is precisely because of war that we have to create democracy that is even stronger.'' He did not give firmer details on what kind of help his country would offer. The Angolan government and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) rebel movement have waged a civil war almost continuously since independence from Portugal in 1975. Anti-colonial armed conflict began in 1961. Almost a million people have been killed and more than three million forced from their homes in what is Africa's longest-running conflict. But peace still seems far removed. UNITA has recently stepped up its guerrilla attacks. Last month rebels destroyed power transformers outside Luanda in the closest attack to the capital for years. Dell has served in Kosovo, Bulgaria, Mozambique, Portugal, and Mexico. He is the author of Fork In the Road, a book on the Balkans published in March.

Burundi

AFP 26 Oct 2001 South Africa to send 250 troops to Burundi: radio PRETORIA, South Africa will send 250 troops to Burundi to participate in a protection force for politicians returning there from exile, Defence Minister Mosiuoa Lekota said Friday, according to SABC radio. Lekota said the initial contingent of 250 men would be leaving on Saturday, at the signing of a memorandum of understanding between South Africa and Burundi in the capital, the public radio reported. The soldiers will form part of a force to protect some 150 politicians to return as part of the peace deal for a transitional government in the country, to be inaugurated on November 1 after eight years of civil war. An aide to South African former president Nelson Mandela, who is the chief mediator in the peace process, on Friday confirmed that South Africa would be sending troops. "Yes we are definitely sending troops. On Tuesday or Wednesday, the UN Security Council passed a resolution for two battalions to be sent to Burundi," Zelda La Grange told AFP. Earlier this week, the South African government denied that it had already deployed troops in the central African country, saying it would wait for a UN resolution to be passed. The war between extremist rebels of Burundi's Hutu majority and the mainly Tutsi army and government has killed more than 200,000 people, mostly civilians, since 1993. Mandela in August 2000 persuaded Burundi's President Pierre Buyoya's government, parliamentarians and political parties across the spectrum to sign a power-sharing deal. On November 1, Buyoya, an ethnic Tutsi, is due to take charge of a transitional government for 18 months, with a Hutu vice president. At the end of that term, a Hutu president should take over with a Tutsi as his deputy.

Business Day (South Africa) 22 Oct 2001 Burundians' friendliness covers fear and hatred THE first thing that strikes visitors to Burundi nowadays is how generous and friendly everyone is. Although the hatred and the fear have not gone away, there is an unmistakable lessening of tension in the air of the nation's capital, Bujumbura. And while the SA-sponsored peace talks are taking place far away in Arusha, Tanzania, and in Pretoria, they have provided the first glimmer of hope for this country in nearly a decade of massacres and civil war between the minority Tutsi-dominated government and army and the majority Hutu rebels. Unfortunately, though, the war is far from over. The two main Hutu rebel groups, the Front for National Liberation (FNL) and the Forces for the Defence of Democracy (FDD), have not participated in the talks at all. They remain in the hills, fighting the army in a guerrilla war. And despite the peace talks, every day you can hear the sound of gunfire and mortar explosions in the hills around Bujumbura. According to Francis Rolt, who works for Radio Ijambo a nongovernmental organisation looking at peaceful solutions for the country the fighting in Bujumbura has lessened but there has been a recent upsurge of unrest in the countryside. He blames it, ironically, on the recent moves towards peace in the Congo. "The most frightening thing for this country is the return of the rebels from the Congo. Without their bases there, they are growing increasingly desperate." Still, hope remains. "How can anyone predict an explosion here? There is no evidence for it," he says. An estimated 200000 civilians have died in the conflict in Burundi in the last decade. The army has been increased from an estimated 20000 men to 50000. However, nobody is saying how many soldiers have been killed, and there are also no figures for the number of rebels who have died. The army claims to be winning, as do the rebels. But, in truth, a military victory for either side seems almost impossible. Even the army seems to realise it. There have been two attempted coups by hard-line Tutsi officers already this year, but somehow the moderates, or at least, the realists, have managed to hold on. "This is a war without a front," says spokesman Col Augustin Nzabampena, and one can hear the exhaustion and futility in his voice. The Hutu rebels come down into the city at night and attack the neighbourhoods. The Tutsidominated army responds with equal brutality. And as always happens in this kind of situation, it is the people, mostly the poor people, both Hutu and Tutsi, who bear the brunt of the cruelty. Earlier this month, a grenade attack in the mostly Hutu suburb of Kinama killed four people and wounded more than fifty. No one knows who threw the grenade or why. The only certainty is that there will be more attacks, and more deaths. There are bullet holes and shrapnel scars in the mud walls of almost every house in this desperately poor neighbourhood. "Every time the political situation develops there is a fire or a grenade attack in a marketplace," a Burundian journalist says. The only people who stand to gain from these shadowy, unknown attacks are the extremists on either side. Their hold on power is strengthened by the evertightening spiral of suspicion, fear and hatred that such faceless attacks breed. At the base of it all still lies the terrible divide between Tutsi and Hutu. Both groups speak the same language and intermarriage, especially in the cities, is relatively common. Yet the hatred continues. At a hairdresser in Kinama, there is a bitter, schizophrenic understanding of the problem. People realise they are being used, but still the suspicions run so deep. "There are Tutsis who say Hutus must be killed so that the Tutsis can become the majority. That's what those who use ethnicity want. But everywhere hatred is used. People still say: he's from our tribe, our clan'." The war in the hills of the country springs from this war in the heart of the people. There are two parallel strains at work in the political life of Burundi at the moment. The peace process, flawed as it is, has at least brought them into sharp relief. The first strain is that of wanting to cling to the cycle of revenge. There is a saying in Burundi that sums it up: "You hide that you hate me, and I hide that I know it." This is the eerie world that lies beneath the surface of the outward generosity of people here. The world that is hidden to outsiders; the world that erupts in anonymous grenade attacks in the marketplace. On a Sunday afternoon on a sunny beach at the edge of Lake Tanganyika, I found evidence of the other strain. I asked a man whether he was Hutu or Tutsi. "I refuse to answer that question," he said. "I am a Burundian. Those who tell you otherwise are racist. They are the problem." It is impossible to be blindly optimistic about the future for Burundi. But there is, at least, a tremendous sense of war-weariness. The peace process has at last opened up options for the people of Burundi. It remains to be seen whether they will find it in themselves to choose peace. Wende is a freelance journalist.

Central African Republic

IRIN 22 Oct 2001 Italian priest arrested for story on genocide NAIROBI, - An Italian priest has been arrested in Bangui in connection with a story he allegedly wrote regarding mass executions of Yakomas, who are members of the ethnic group of the 28 May failed coup mastermind and former Central African Republic (CAR) president Andre Kolingba, Radio France Internationale (RFI) reported on Saturday. The Reverend Tolino Falagoista, director of Radio Notre Dame in Bangui and correspondent of the Rome-based Roman Catholic MISNA news agency, is accused of writing such a story in June, which also referred to the existence of three mass graves and warned that the CAR was heading towards extermination and genocide. When Falagoista was summoned by government authorities at the time, he allegedly denied writing or approving the story. A source told RFI that authorities asked Falagoista to send a handwritten denial to the government and MISNA on the story attributed to him, but that three months later, they had still not received it. He has, therefore, been summoned for another hearing. RFI reported that the management of MISNA remained cautious, only saying that the matter had been referred to the Bangui nuncio, the Italian consul, and the Vatican.

Cote d'Ivoire

Ghanaian Chronicle (Accra) OPINION October 15, 2001 Jak's Trip to Cote d'Ivoir...Gentle Giant Inspired Ivorians Asah-Asante Back From Cote d'Ivoire Accra Tuesday last week saw the Ivorian capital, Abidjan, particularly the vicinity of Hotel Ivoire, very busy. Security was tight, helicopters hovered around. Long queues were seen in front of the said forum grounds (Hotel Ivoire Conference Hall). The atmosphere could not be left out in this regard as it was charged with the spirit of reconciliation. The conference hall was filled to capacity. The hope for peace at the end of day was paramount. Chronicle gathered this from some interactions with the Ivorians during interviews. The belief that the forum would serve as a pivot around which the whole unity talks would revolve and thereby restoring to it its former past. The peculiarity of peace and stability which characterised the country over the years was also firmly routed in the minds of the people. Hear Pierre Kouame, the teacher, "My brother, there have been some troubles but I say this country will have peace now." This belief was also not far-fetched from the corridors of Ivorian political power. Anderson Appia, the government's Advisor on Media Affairs and personal interpreter to President Ggbabo, said this to the Chronicle minutes before the start of the programme: "I think everybody wants to finish with this problem. Since 1990 we have become fed up of this problem. Because of this, we have always been quarrelling we need peace here. We want to do our best to get peace here in Ivory Coast." The Ivorian reconciliation could be traced to the violence and instability, among others, which ensued after the military adventures extended their ugly hands into the country's body politic. Ivory Coast's first military coup, led by General Robert Guei, toppled the ruling Democratic Party of Cote d'Ivoire on December 24, 1998 and put in place the Committee of National Salvation. To this end, a constitution was drafted to usher the country into fresh elections. Perhaps the most outstanding feature of the constitution was the eligibility requirement which made it mandatory for presidential candidates to have both parents to be full blooded Ivorians. All candidates who contested the elections thereafter were adjudged Ivorians, except Dr. Alhassana Quattara, who was identified to have one foreign parent. Based on this, Quattara was disqualified. Violence then ensued. Many lives were lost and the society became polarised along ethnic political and religious lines even though a new leader has been legally elected and installed in the county Though some expressed disappointments after the programme, given the reason that the absence of key players of the game, such as Quatarra, Bedie, etc. were not physically present to grace the occasion, others believe it is too early for such judgement to be passed given the fact that the programme would run for two months and that it is likely such persons could make appearances before the programmes ends. Nevertheless, the inspirational speeches of the President Mr. J. A. Kufuor (JAK) and his counterpart, Alpha Omar Konare of Mali, gingered the occasion with a lot of applause from the gathering. For the President, Mr. J.A. Kufuor (JAK) praised the people for initiating the forum, adding "it is the first step." He said the best way of getting the aggrieved to partake in any business of that nature is to offer them the opportunity to be heard. To this end, President Kufuor urged them to be tolerant towards each other and focus on the target they have set for themselves so as to restore the country's past of peace and stability. This, Mr. Kufuor said, will help entrench democracy as well as constitutional rule in the country. "Whatever formula you find to reconcile your people and parties, the process has to take place within an atmosphere of constitutionality, good governance and rule of law," JAK advised. To this end, he urged the people not to disappoint the rest of ECOWAS member-states saying: "the entire region is watching you and pray for you. Please do not disappoint us. There is as opportunity for all of you to display the leadership that is required at this time." On democratic rule, the President cautioned the people of West Africa, particularly la Cote d' Ivoire, not to re-invent the wheel and establish any other form of governance besides democratic rule since it provides proper accountability and avenue for other parties to for have the opportunity of gaining political power. The Malian leader, Alpha Omar Konare, advised the people of Cote d'Ivoire to eschew ethnic tendencies, hatred, politics of exclusion, arrogance and contempt, adding it is the best way to avoid the genocide of Rwanda and the amputations of Sierra Leone. He made it clear to the people that Mali would not be used as a launching pad for acts of hostility against La Cote d'Ivoire, adding his country is a heterogeneous collection of people from the said country and others in the sub region The Ivorian leader, President Gbagbo, urged the people to tell the truth since reconciliation thrives on truth. Based on the advice of the chairman of the forum, Mr. Seydou Diarr, he maintained that to calm tensions and make the reconciliation exercise a living reality there is a need for a call for the release of the detainees. However, he did not make clear whether he has ordered their release or merely expressed a personal opinion.

DR Congo

IRIN 19 Oct 2001The London-based NGO African Rights accused the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) on Thursday of harbouring Colonel Tharcisse Renzaho, accused of involvement organising the 1994 Rwandan genocide. In an attempt to encourage the DRC government to work with the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), African Rights has released a 26-page charge sheet detailing Renzaho's alleged crimes. African Rights said that Renzaho's role as an officer commanding Congolese troops came to light during the fighting between government and rebel forces in Pweto, Katanga province, in December 2000. Renzaho is reported to be commuting between Kinshasa and Lubumbashi in the DRC. African Rights said Renzaho was the governor (prefet) of Kigali before and during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, and was involved in the planning and execution of the slaughter of Tutsis and leading Hutu politicians to take place. "[Renzaho] had the authority and the resources to stop the killings, but he only did so only in a few very public instances. More often, he intervened to sponsor or authorize massacres, directly ordering militia to round up selected groups, then to take them to be killed, or sending others to organise killings in his name," it reported. "The evidence suggests that Col. Tharcisse Renzaho has the blood of tens of thousands of the people of Kigali on his hands. In continuing to harbour him and others like him, the Government of Congo risks undermining efforts to promote stability in the Great Lakes region," it added.

AFP 12 Oct 2001 Four years of conflict in DR Congo ADDIS ABABA, Oct 12 (AFP) - A further round of peace talks is set to get under way here on Monday in a bid to bring an end to four years of strife in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The conflict, launched by rebels in the east of the former Zaire in August 1998, has drawn in several other countries in the region. Following is a chronology of the conflict and attempts to end it: 1998 AUGUST 2: Ethnic Tutsi, or Banyamulenge, soldiers launch an uprising in the eastern towns of Goma and Bukavu, aimed at toppling President Laurent Kabila's 14-month regime, accusing him of nepotism, corruption and bad government. 6: The rebels establish control over much of the east of the country, holding the towns of Bukavu, Goma and Uvira in the Kivu provinces. 8: A summit of seven heads of state from central and east Africa sets up a committee to negotiate a ceasefire. 16: The rebels announce the creation of a political party, the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD). 22: Angolan troops are reported to have entered the DRC to aid Kabila's troops. 23: Kisangani, the main city in the northeast, falls to the rebels. 25: Rebel forces suffer heavy losses in a joint operation by DRC troops supported by forces from Angola and Zimbabwe, who regain control of the south-west. Uganda admits its troops have been engaged in the conflict. 1999 MAY 17: A split in the RCD leadership leads to the setting up of a second faction. JULY 10: Six countries involved in the conflict, DR Congo, Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia on one side, and Uganda and Rwanda on the other, sign a ceasefire agreement after 13 days of talks in Lusaka. AUGUST Nearly 600 people are killed when a position in Equateur province held by the Uganda-backed Congo Liberation Movement (MLC) comes under air attack. By the end of the month, the RCD and the MLC have also signed the Lusaka accord. OCTOBER 12: Kinshasa accuses Burundi of having become involved in the fighting. 2000 JANUARY 29: Observers estimate that ethnic massacres in the northeastern Bunia region left 5,000 dead in 1999. FEBRUARY 24: The United Nations approves sending a force of more than 5,000 troops to enforce the ceasefire a day after the Lusaka summit of seven heads of state adopts a timetable for the laying down of arms. APRIL 30: At a meeting in Algiers, attended by six heads of state but in the absence of rebels and their allies, South Africa and Nigeria offer to put troops at UN disposal for a peacekeeping force in the DRC. OCTOBER 16: All parties in the conflict agree in Maputo to withdraw 15 kilometres from their frontlines. NOVEMBER 27: At further talks in Maputo, attended by all warring factions along with South Africa and Mozambique, Kinshasa agrees to reopen discussions on the deployment of UN observers. 2001 JANUARY 16: Kabila is murdered by one of his own bodyguards, but government only confirms his death two days later. His son Joseph is appointed head of state by the powers that be in Kinshasa. 19: Fighting in Bunia leaves more than 200 dead. 26: Joseph Kabila sworn in as president and promises "to work for peace", calls for relaunch of Lusaka initiative and a normalisation of relations with the United States, European Union and United Nations. FEBRUARY 1: Kabila meets Rwandan President Paul Kagame in Washington in the company of new US Secretary of State Colin Powell and calls for a "rapid start" to peace negotiations. 15: Lusaka hosts peace talks, the first to be attended by Jospeh Kabila. Fellow presidents Sam Nujoma of Namibia and Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe turn up but Kagame and Yoweri Museveni of Uganda fail to attend, although Museveni sends an envoy while he continues his election campaign at home. Progress is made on permission for UN observers to operate in DR Congo. Botswana's former president Ketumile Masire becomes facilitator in the "inter-Congolese dialogue". MARCH 15: All sides in the conflict implement their October 2000 agreement to withdraw 15 kilometres from the front, apart from the MLC, which initially stalls, making demands of the United Nations for the "protection of civilians". 29: First UN observation mission arrives in rebel-held east of the country. APRIL 4: UN observers take up position in goverment-held territory. 16: UN calls for sanctions against the rebels and their supporters in an attempt to end the pillage of natural resources. 26: Six Red Cross workers killed in the northeast of the country. MAY 8: International Rescue Committee, based in New York, claims the civil war has been responsible for at least 2.5 million deaths. Uganda announces the withdrawal of its troops from the east and north-east of the country. 10: At a summit in Kinshasa, DRC allies Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia demand an immediate and unconditional withdrawal of MLC rebel forces. AUGUST 20-24: At a meeting in Gaborone, all parties decide to convene talks in Addis Ababa on October 15. SEPTEMBER 1: First official visit to the DRC by UN Secretary General Kofi Annan. OCTOBER 5: Angolan president Jose Eduardo dos Santos says there has been progress in the peace process and that there has been a "gradual withdrawal of allied military forces" backing Kinshasa, namely Zimbabwe, Namibia and Angola.

Egypt

ABC News 4 Oct 2001 The Second Most Wanted Man By Jim Wooten Meet the Egyptian surgeon who has been called the mastermind and likely successor to Osama bin Laden , who has a long history of terror-related crimes. Analysts, government officials and even the Taliban have said that if and when the United States captures Osama bin Laden, the threat posed by the al Qaeda network and other terrorist organizations will not subside. There are many other extremists to worry about, but one man in particular deserves more attention. Dr. Ayman al-Zawahiri is perhaps the most influential, and yet unknown, member of al Qaeda. He is an Egyptian surgeon who has been called one of the masterminds behind the vast network and a likely successor to bin Laden. As former head of the Egyptian al-Jihad, he has a long history of terror-related crimes. Interpol issued a top-level arrest warrant for him last week, yet his whereabouts are unknown. However, he attended bin Laden's son's wedding in the Afghan city of Kandahar in January. The list of terrorist attacks in which al-Zawahiri has been involved includes: He was indicted in New York two years ago in connection with the bombing of U.S. embassies in Tanzania and Kenya in August 1998. The FBI believes he may be the one who ordered the massive bombings. He served three years in prison in Egypt on charges connected to the 1981 assassination of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat. Since then he has been sentenced to death by Egypt in absentia. He is suspected of helping organize the 1997 massacre of 67 foreign tourists in the Egyptian town of Luxor. He helped fund and organize the attack on the Egyptian embassy in Islamabad in 1995. 'More Dangerous of the Two' Al-Zawahiri is regarded by many investigators as smarter and more dangerous than bin Laden himself. "To America and the West, Ayman Zawahiri is definitely the more dangerous of the two," says Mohammad Salah, a reporter for Al Hayat , in Arabic. "To Islamic fundamentalists, he is much more important ideologically." After U.S. airstrikes against Afghanistan in 1998, it was al-Zawahiri who told the Muslim world: "The war has begun. Americans should wait for an answer." And the attack on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon may have been that answer. It's a long distance from the rugged wilderness of Afghanistan to the quiet green suburb in Cairo, but that's the journey al-Zawahiri has made from a family that was peaceful and pious, prominent and prosperous, to a fraternity of violence, a transformation rooted in two words: Camp David. For al-Zawahiri, the 1977 treaty between Egypt and Israel meant Anwar Sadat was a traitor. Sadat was assassinated 20 years ago this week and al-Zawahiri was among scores of Muslim fundamentalists implicated in the murder. At their trial, he was defiant. "We are here, the real Islamic front. We are here, the real Islamic opposition against Zionism, communism and imperialism," he ranted in a holding cell in court. Video Connection to Bin Laden He grew up in a well-connected family. One grandfather was a noted Muslim cleric, the other an ambassador. Al-Zawahiri became a surgeon and one of the first upper class Egyptians to join the country's militant movement, Islamic Jihad. After three years in prison, during which he was tortured, he joined bin Laden in Afghanistan in 1986 as his personal physician and his mentor in terrorism. "Ayman Zawahiri and Osama bin Laden [have] the same ideology: to defend in their terms their religion and their land," says Dia'a Rashwan, an analyst at the Al Ahram Center for Strategic Studies. In 1998, al-Zawahiri was one of five Islamic leaders to sign on to bin Laden's declaration calling for attacks against U.S. citizens. More broadly, he is believed to be the person who most influenced bin Laden years ago to take up a worldwide struggle against perceived enemies of Islam. According to some analysts, al-Zawahiri helped turn bin Laden from a financial backer of the Afghan resistance into a strong believer in the ideology of jihad . "For his cause, he would embrace death more than we would embrace life," says Salah in Arabic. "He doesn't care if he dies." There is a $5 million reward for this doctor, who was trained to save lives and now is wanted for killing thousands. — ABCNEWS' Michael Baltierra contributed to this report.

Ethiopia

IRIN 10 Oct 2001 Genocide Suspects Released An Ethiopian court has acquitted, on the grounds of insufficient evidence, 23 people charged with genocide and crimes against humanity, AFP reported on Tuesday. The supreme court in Amhara State (northwestern Ethiopia) ruled that there was insufficient evidence to convict the defendants, whose alleged crimes were committed during the rule of the former military dictator, Mengistu Hailemariam, said AFP. The court handed down two guilty verdicts on the same charges, and sentenced the defendants to 16 years in prison without parole. The trials are part of a series which began in 1994 of officials accused of committing genocide and crimes against humanity during the "Red Terror" period of the 1970s, during which thousands of Ethiopians were killed or abducted. Ethiopian courts have so far handed down 1,181 verdicts, including 375 acquittals out of 6,180 cases, with some 2,200 suspects still held in prison, and the rest being tried in absentia. Special Prosecutor Girma Wakjira told the agency that the trials were expected to end in 2004.

BBC 9 Oct 2001 Court clears Mengistu followers Official newspapers in Ethiopia say a further 23 people accused of crimes under the leadership of Haile Mengistu Mariam have been acquitted and released from jail. However, two others were jailed, for 16 years each, on charges of carrying out summary executions, torture and arbitrary imprisonment. The Supreme Court of Amhara said that, in the case of the 23 acquittals, there was not enough evidence. The trials of Mengistu followers, for crimes of genocide during what has been called the Red Terror period, in 1977 and 1978, began in 1994 and are expected to conclude in 2004. Mr Mengistu, who's being tried in absentia, now lives in exile in Zimbabwe.

BBC 8 Oct 2001 'Unknown' elected Ethiopian president Wolde Giorgis has worked for three different regimes By Nita Bhalla in Addis Ababa Ethiopia's parliament has elected a surprise new president. Lieutenant Girma Wolde Giorgis, who is unknown to much of Ethiopia's population, was unanimously elected by both houses of parliament. Lieutenant Wolde Giorgis, a 76-year-old independent member of parliament and businessman, will replace Dr Negasso Gidada who has ended his six-year term. Lieutenant Wolde Giorgis is from the majority Oromo ethnic group which make up more than 30% of Ethiopia's 63 million people. Many believe this is an attempt by the ethnic Tigrayan-led government to appease the Oromo population. Survivor In recent months, the private media has been speculating as to who would succeed Dr Negasso Gidada, listing various cabinet members and other senior officials. But at no time could anyone have predicted Lieutenant Wolde Giorgis. Some are concerned that Wolde Giorgis is too frail The elderly businessman-turned-politician has survived three successive regimes. Under Emperor Haile Selassie, he served as one of the first officers in the Ethiopian air force, later becoming director general of civil aviation authority. Also under the emperor, he joined parliament and became president of the lower chamber. Banker In this role, he established the first international parliamentary committee and developed a flair for international relations. When the military regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam overthrew the emperor in 1974, Lieutenant Wolde Giorgis worked with the "dergue" regime in many different roles including as president of the Red Cross in Eritrea, which was then a province of Ethiopia. When the military dictatorship was overthrown in 1991 by the present day ruling EPRDF party, Lieutenant Wolde Giorgis embarked on several private business ventures. He is now a stakeholder in several banks and is an independent MP in a constituency in the western Shoa region. Ceremonial There has been a mixed reaction to the new president. The few who knew who he was on the streets of Addis Ababa, said that they were surprised and concerned as he was very old and looked too frail to take up the position as head of state. Political analysts today were also sceptical, some consider Lieutenant Wolde Giorgis an "opportunist" for surviving and working under three totally opposing regimes in Ethiopia. Most however remain apathetic, saying that the president does not really matter as his powers are largely ceremonial and so he could never bring about real change in the country.

Addis Tribune (Addis Ababa) ANALYSIS 8 Oct 2001 The Question of Ethnicity in Addis Ababa Beshir Gedda Addia Ababa One of the issues during the current crises in the EPRDF Leadership was the Prime Minister's parentage which also became a charge against him. As we all know, his mother is Eritrean. It is a cheap and dangerous move to attack an individual because of his or her ethnic origins. The tradition of ethnic harmony and integration has been one of the strongest characteristics of Ethiopian culture. Addis Ababa is remarkable among African cities for the fact that it does not have ethnic enclaves, and people of different nationalities live together in peace. The main social institutions-churches, mosques, burial associations-cut across Amhara, Oromo, Tigray, Gurage alike. Many people do not even know the ancestry of their neighbors-what counts is that they are law-abiding and respectful members of the community. When the expulsions of Eritreans began three years ago, no-one quarreled with the selection of the first round of known EPLF activists. But as the expulsions went deeper and deeper into the Eritrean community, selecting people who had lived in Addis all their lives, who didn't speak Tigrinya and picking up people who were known to have no political alignments at all, the residents of Ethiopia's cities and towns became more and more uneasy. Was this not abrogating the basic principle of our society, that anyone who lives among us, adopts our way of life, and respects our culture, is one of us? Let us not fall into the trap of arguing that we are all identical Ethiopians who lived together in peace and harmony before 1991. Nothing could be further from the truth! Serious discrimination against the Oromo and other nationalities was a fact of life for generations. There were regular armed revolts against Imperial rule by minority peoples. The EPRDF did not invent ethnicity: ethnic identity was a mobilizing principle in the 1970s. In 1991, most of the viable political parties were ethnically based. And the current federal map of Ethiopia was partly drawn by the OLF leadership during their brief spell in government. Ethiopia consists of a split political-ethnic personality: centralism and regionalism. Historically, regional identifications are strong and have had the first claim on people's loyalties. The central ruler has always sought dual legitimacy, as the leader of the country, but with the consent of the regions. Hence the significance of the old imperial title, 'King of Kings.' In the last two hundred years, the country has alternated between periods of strong centralized rule, and periods in which the regions aggressively asserted their claims. This cycle began with the centralizing rule of the Emperor Teodros. But both he, Yohannes and Menelik all sought to control the regions through the consent of their rulers. After his restoration, however, Emperor Haile Selassie was resolutely centralist to an unprecedented degree, dismantling all regional power bases, and suppressing resistance-whether in Bale, Gojjam or Eritrea-by force alone. This approach was taken to new lengths by the Dergue. The challenge is to find a balance between national integration and local integrity, in which all can have their place and share the common projects of both local and national identities. In the wider context of a transition from socialist polities, one of the big lessons is that a multiethnic and multireligious society cannot be governed absolutely centrally, or they will break apart, as has happened in the former USSR and former Yugoslavia. Decentralization and devolution of power is part of the democratic transitional agenda, as well as political pluralism. The federal structure that arose from the 1991-2 dialogue between EPRDF and OLF tried to address the issue of ethnicity in a balanced manner. It attempted the transformation of the empire state into a democratic federation. The resulting 1995 constitution is a remarkable and innovative document. It has very strong human rights provisions, including both group rights and individual freedoms. At the time there was controversy because there were significant political groups and entities that did not participate in the constitutional process and which focussed controversy on the provisions of the constitution for secession of nationalities. Indeed this is a radical clause-but this is precisely the sort of bold experiment of entrusting the people with the future of the nation, which pays dividends. The EPRDF took a political risk. And the Ethiopian people and state were strong enough to make this new constitution work. The greatest strengths of today's constitution is that it creates a voluntary union for Ethiopia. It seeks to balance centralization and national integration with respect for local integrity. Many feared that the federal constitution would lead to ethnic strife and even the dismemberment of the country. But our people proved too mature for that: once the regions had been granted self-administration, language rights and a range of other privileges, they were happy to be Ethiopian. Nothing illustrates this better than the national unanimity that followed the outbreak of the war with Eritrea. All were ready to fight, not for a chauvinist and centralised state, but for an Ethiopia that is a voluntary union of all. In short, all the components are in place for a durable solution to the problem of regionalism. Ethnicity can have a negative aspect as well. Some political entities, both inside and outside the EPRDF, began to promote narrow ethnic identities at the expense of shared history and what is common to all Ethiopians. There has been a tendency to focus on what divides us, and a tendency to place an ethnic label on every event that occurs. Resentment was created among certain groups, sometimes reaching a dangerous level where this constant reference to ethnicity began to create fear of ethnic domination, real or imagined. The political leadership in Ethiopia should recognise this resentment and be understanding of it. Ethiopians are crying out to have more attention given to the integrative nature of the Ethiopian political and cultural heritage, with which we are blessed: intermarriage, churches, mosques, voluntary associations. The Ethiopian people have achieved a level of ethnic integration and harmony that is the envy of many of our neighbours. But the current political dispensation hasn't recognised this social capital, and has in fact eroded it. Ten years after the experiment with political ethnicity, we must recognise both its strengths and its limitations, and try to make the pendulum swing back towards national identity as Ethiopians. The concept of citizenship, with all its rights and duties, needs to be placed back at the centre of the political stage. We can achieve this national integration without forsaking the treasured, hard-fought for regional integrity. Exclusively ethnic based political parties have their limitations. Ethnic parties are a reality and have delivered much, but there is no reason why there should not be non-ethnic parties or multi-ethnic parties. In fact this is what we would expect as the country matures politically. Leadership must have legitimacy grounded in a constituency much broader than its ethnic base alone. This is important for seeking national consensus. Ethnic politics is, sooner or later, divisive, and national leaders must rise above it. Ethiopian society is ready for this kind of leadership, and is ready for political parties that transcend the ethnic focus. In Ethiopia in the last hundred years, centralism has been associated with the rule of the individual, whose personality is magnified and applauded in the official media. For ten years we have had no personality cult, no swaggering big man. We are grateful for this. Modesty in leadership is becoming. There are virtues in collective leadership. But there is a danger of the leader becoming invisible, and for the public not feeling that their emotions and aspirations are reflected in the government. We have seen this in the EPRDF leadership's remoteness from national celebrations. When our triumphant athletes returned from the Olympic games, the populace of Addis Ababa spontaneously turned out to greet them. But where was the political leadership? Because it hadn't planned the event and didn't control it, they were nowhere to be seen-until the speaker of parliament belatedly turned up. Similarly for the commemoration of historic events like Adwa, and even celebration of the end of the war. Spontaneous celebrations reflect national feeling-but the EPRDF doesn't participate. By contrast, when there are important party events in Tigray, they are celebrated in public by the PM. Is the party more important than the nation? Special attention to national events would overcome the public's feeling of alienation, and contribute to national unity. The ethnic issue in Ethiopia is sensitive and there is a need for a balance in handling ethnicity. The integrative impulse of the elite-who are mostly Amhara in cultural orientation-shouldn't lead to disrespect for other ethnicities. A unitary state as we experienced before 1991 cannot succeed: the federal system is here to stay and rightly so. But the state needs to be a place where everyone meets and everyone is represented. Ethiopia is ready for this: Ethiopian society has shown that it can handle the complexities of multi-ethnic society. But, we ask, are the authors of this constitution treating ethnicity with the same balance and maturity as the citizens themselves? In short, Ethiopians need to have the opportunity to evaluate the last ten years' experiment with political ethnicity. The issue of nationalities and federalism is too important to be left to the cadres. It must be discussed publicly by the people themselves.

IRIN 8 Oct 2001 Foreigners to Be Registered The Department of Immigration and Nationalities Affairs has finalized preparations to register foreigners living in Ethiopia, Ethiopian radio reported on 5 October. All foreign nationals living in Addis Ababa, permanently or temporarily, were required to register between 8 and 17 October, said the radio. Foreigners with resident permits are required to present a residence permit card and two photographs, while non-residents are required to bring in their passports. Foreign nationals with diplomatic status are exempted from the exercise. The schedule for registration of foreign nationals living outside Addis Ababa would be announced later, the radio said. Foreigners who fail to register within the specified time will face the relevant immigration laws.

IRIN 12 Sept 2001 Release of POWs Halted The release and repatriation of prisoners of war (POWs) between Ethiopia and Eritrea has come to a halt, a report by the UN Secretary-General to the Security Council said on 5 September. The report said the exchange had come to a halt despite the commitment made by both governments under the peace agreement of 12 December 2000, which stipulated that "the parties shall without delay release and repatriate all prisoners of war". Figures supplied to the UN Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea indicated that about 1,800 POWs remained in Ethiopia and 400 in Eritrea, the report said. Meanwhile, the Eritrean Information Coordination Centre (ICC) said there had been no reported exchange of civilian nationals between Ethiopia and Eritrea between 16 and 31 August. It said ICRC had facilitated the repatriation of 2,659 civilian Eritreans and 21,072 Ethiopians. "The exchange of POWs did not proceed since the last exchange in March 2001 where ICRC repatriated 856 Eritrean and 629 Ethiopian POWs to the their respective countries," the joint UN and Eritrean Relief and Refugee Commission (ERREC) said in an update on 31 August. However, some 319 Ethiopians were reportedly repatriated from Eritrea with the help of the International Committee of the Red Cross, according to official Ethiopian radio on 6 September.

Gambia

The Independent (Banjul, the Gambia) July 20, 2001 "Jammeh's Revolution is a Resounding Failure" Sheikh Al-Kinky Sanyang Banjul, the Gambia Lamin Waa Juwara the UDP's propaganda secretary has described the 1994 revolution, which brought President Jammeh to power as a resounding failure. Speaking to The Independent at the party's bureau in Banjul, Juwara said the revolution, which swept away thirty years of PPP dominance didn't succeed because of the absence of mass support from Gambians. "In a revolution, the participation of the people is primarily, but what happened on July 22nd was a typical military turning back on the people, overthrowing through force of arms a democratically elected government of the people" he claimed. Mr. Juwara who is seen as one of the more politically vocal members of the opposition accused the ruling APRC of making big promises without fulfilling them. "Promising people haven and earth trying to convince Gambians, but forgetting that to stage a coup against a democratically elected government is a crime against humanity" he charged. He said the advent of the APRC has seen the gradual corrosion of fundamental human rights and freedom and the frequent nature of arbitrary arrests, torture, detention and all types of harassment meted out to political opponents. "Revolution is supposed to serve the people but not to oppress them," he posited, adding that a revolution with no sense of direction has no justification to celebrate. He said that July 22 1994 is being classified in history as the darkest days of the nation. Mr. Juwara said the coup makers had promised to stamp out corruption, which is being perpetuated today. The UDP official labeled President Jammeh as the richest man in The Gambia, citing the gift of thirty-nine tractors, the recent cultural festival in Kanilai, which according to Juwara was personally sponsored by President Jammeh. He said these programmes were organised even though The Gambia was in default of annual contributions to the OAU. He questioned how a leading servant of the people, who is on their payroll could turn around and give millions and gifts to people. The UDP propaganda secretary said Gambians from all strata have been traumatized in the past seven years. The "massacre" of school children in cold blood, whose killers were indemnified was also cited by Mr. Juwara as the height of the abuse. He urged President Jammeh to take primary responsibility for last year's student killings as the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces. He said Jammeh indemnified himself because he (Jammeh) was in touch with his men, when he was in Cuba. Mr. Juwara said the transition is still incomplete because the ruling party lacks the political will to restore a full-fledged democracy in The Gambia. He noted that a flurry of constitutional amendments were a way of rigging the October polls. He called on the international community to thoroughly take note of the processes. Gambians cannot boast of any development he said, because developments in Kanilai, the airport, and hotels are more than the accumulative development gained by the nation. He urged Gambians to "flush" Jammeh out of power if they hope to live in freedom. He said it would be unthinkable how Gambians can be taken in by foolish inducements and cheap propaganda through the GRTS, to return power to people who brought only woes to the average Gambian. "The Gambia used to be shining star of the democratic dispensation in Africa, but now this star has grown dull. We are taking the back seat," he averred.

Liberia

AFP 1 Oct 2001 Liberia orders reopening of borders with SLeone, Guinea MONROVIA, Oct 1 - Liberian President Charles Taylor has ordered the reopening of his country's borders with Guinea and Sierra Leone and lifted travel curbs on Monrovia-based diplomats, officials announced at the weekend. Taylor had told defence and security ministers from the three countries, who wrapped up a meeting in Monrovia on Friday, that he would open the frontiers with the two neighbours. The president, however, did not specify a date. The decision was first announced by the media here on Saturday. Liberia had closed its borders with the two countries in March after declaring the Guinean and Sierra Leonean ambassadors persona non grata for allegedly committing acts incompatible with their status. The three countries, wracked by sub-regional fighting, blame each other for fomenting cross-border violence. Taylor on Friday also said diplomats and UN officials in Monrovia were now free to move around, ending a curfew imposed on them earlier this year for alleged "security reasons". "What we will do ... is to lift the restriction on the movements of diplomats accredited to Liberia. "All diplomats are henceforth allowed to go anywhere, anytime, any place," Taylor said. Unrest along the three countries' borders intensified in September 2000 with cross-border attacks threatening hundreds of thousands of refugees in camps in southern Guinea. Liberia and Guinea have accused each other of backing rebel groups trying to topple their respective regimes. Sierra Leone's government has long blamed Liberia for propping up rebels of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF), some of whose fighters are also blamed for launching attacks on Guinea. The three-day meeting of ministers from the Mano River Union -- grouping Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea -- meanwhile resolved to bring lasting peace to the sub-region. It drew up a work plan and pledged to address "the issue of dissidents and to remove the legal impediments in the actualization of the goals of the union". "The deployment of joint border security and confidence building units to discourage the proliferation of arms and ammunitions... (and) modalities for the deployment of refugees from the three countries" were also agreed upon.

Kenya

BBC 22 Oct 2001, Rwandan genocide suspect transferred A former Rwandan provincial governor, who is suspected of playing a key role in the 1994 Rwandan genocide, has been transferred to a detention centre at the UN International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in Arusha, northern Tanzania. UN officials in the Rwandan capital Kigali, said that Francois Karera was arrested on Saturday [Oct 20] in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, and charged with complicity in genocide and extermination. Mr Karera served as governor of Kigali Rural province between the months of April to July 1994 when the ethnic Hutu majority massacred hundreds of thousands of Tutsis.

ICRC 11 Oct 2001 Kenya: A major step forward in promoting humanitarian law The Attorney-General of Kenya, the Hon. S. Amos Wako, officially inaugurated Kenya's National Committee on the Implementation of International Humanitarian Law on 5 October. In his address at a Nairobi hotel, the Attorney-General urged the new committee to provide the government with practical advice on implementing and promoting humanitarian treaties. ICRC President Jakob Kellenberger, also speaking at the ceremony, called for a broad alliance of individuals and institutions committed to the values and principles inherent in humanitarian law. The ICRC was instrumental in setting up the National Committee, which brings together key ministries, experts, civil society representatives and the Kenya Red Cross Society. The ceremony also marked the official launch in Kenya of a handbook on international humanitarian law for parliamentarians produced jointly by the ICRC and the Inter-Parliamentary Union. The book, entitled "Respect for International Humanitarian Law", is intended to supplement the work of the National Committee by familiarizing parliamentarians with international humanitarian law and ways of implementing it at the national level. One of the co-authors, Kenyan MP Beth Mugo, explained that the handbook had been developed in response to the low level of information generally available in parliaments on matters relating to humanitarian law. Supporting States in their efforts to promote international humanitarian law is an important part of the ICRC's mandate. In Kenya, the ICRC has been working with various institutions to organize regular events on this body of law for officers of the armed and security forces, civil servants training at the Kenya Institute of Administration, and university students.

IRIN 5 Oct 2001 Moi blames local officials for ethnic clashes NAIROBI, President Daniel arap Moi on Thursday blamed Kenya's provincial administrators' poor performance of their duties for ethnic clashes in parts of the country during a speech at the Kenya Institute of Administration, Kabete, on the outskirts of the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, where 41 District Commissioners completed a five-day administration course. "What I find difficult is that violence occurs in districts because DCs don't know their responsibilities," the 'Daily Nation' on Friday quoted Moi as saying. In less than a year, some 56 people have been killed in Tana River, eastern Kenya, in an ethnic war pitting the sedentary Pokomo against pastoralist Ormas, the report stated. Four more Pokomo people were killed on Wednesday night and more than 100 manyattas (dwellings) set ablaze when pastoralists attacked their houses at Shirikisho village, Garsen division, according to Kenyan media reports. Fighting between the Pokomo and Orma was raging at Chara and Kinakomba locations following the arrival of huge herds of livestock from the hinterland in search of water and pasture in the Tana Delta, they added. The Pokot and the Marakwet were also at war in the North Rift over cattle rustling; and on the Gucha-Trans Mara border, quarrels over land and pastures have led to loss of lives and destruction of property, the 'Daily Nation' reported on Friday. Thousands of people were killed in ethnic clashes in parts of the Rift Valley in 1991-1994, which were widely reported to have been politically motivated, and in Coast Province in 1997. Various peace initiatives were underway to address some of the major ethnic clashes throughout the country, including between the Ormas and Pokomos in Tana River, UNOCHA Kenya reported on Thursday. "The incidence of clashes continues, however, affecting food security and the safety of non-combatants as well as [humanitarian] operations," it said. Units of the paramilitary General Services Unit had been sent to the district to curb escalating violence, brought about when conflict of land use practices was exacerbated by early dry-season grazing as a result of the current drought, it added. Several national and international agencies have now joined together, through the auspices of local partner Caritas Malindi, to establish a Local Peace Coordination Committee which would work to map out the players and issues involved, get a better understanding of the situation, and work towards sustainable peace and development in Tana River District, OCHA reported.

BBC 5 Oct 2001 Four die in eastern Kenya raid By Noel Mwakugu in Nairobi Four people have been burnt to death and some 1,000 made homeless when an armed gang raided a village in the Tana River district of Kenya and set several houses on fire. The district has been the scene of sporadic clashes for a year now between Pokomo and Orma tribesmen who have been fighting over grazing land. Police were overpowered Last month the bodies of at least 30 people killed in ethnic clashes in the same area were reportedly dumped in the River Tana in the east of the country. Leaders from the two tribes have repeatedly been blamed for fuelling the conflict which has cost an estimated 100 lives. Peace failed Efforts by the government to broker peace in the area have repeatedly failed, mainly because of mutual suspicion and rivalries. This week's attack on Tana River district involved a group of about 100 heavily armed Orma tribesmen, who raided Shirikisho village. The Pokomo villagers were caught unawares, and the raiders engaged policemen in a heavy exchange of fire before they were overpowered. Some then torched the houses, others went on a looting spree, taking away what they could as the raging flames engulfed the houses. Evacuated By Thursday afternoon, most of the homeless villagers had been evacuated to safe areas by the district administration who mounted a heavy police guard. But villagers complained that the policemen had inadequate fire power compared to the raiders and said they still feared for their safety. Moi's government has not been able to broker peace between tribes peoples Reports from the district indicate that, on Monday, leaflets warning that five villages in the district would be set on fire, were distributed in the area by unidentified people. The authors of the leaflets believed to be orma tribesmen, were also said to have issued death threats to two prominent leaders from the Pokomo community. Village tour Those threatened were Yuda Komora a former assistant minister and Danson Mungatana a leading lawyer in Mombasa. When I spoke to Mr Mungatana on Thursday evening, he confirmed receiving a death threat. He said he had already reported the matter to the police. The coast provincial commissioner Samuel Limo and his entire security team toured the village on Thursday. Last month, the government set up a police post near the Shirikisho village to beef up security in what is now a volatile district.

The Nation (Nairobi) October 3, 2001 The Somali Not Involved in Herders' Clash With Farmers, Says Police- Hassan Barisa Police yesterday denied that Somali militiamen had been enlisted in a fight between herders and farmers in Tana River District. However, they confirmed that pastoralists were using illegally acquired guns to cause terror. Deputy district police chief Steven Mwita was reacting to reports that more than 100 armed Somali militiamen had crossed into the district to take part in the fighting which has left 52 people dead. It had been claimed that politicians and members of the Wardei community had hired the services of militiamen in the eight-month conflict. Mr Mwita said police were following several leads to establish the people behind the raids and those supplying the guns. No arrests have been made. "I can only confirm that Wardei youths imported guns to fight their Pokomo neighbours but we are still continuing with our investigations," he said. He said that the police, with the help of the paramilitary General Service Unit, were combing Kinakombo location to flush out the bandits. The bandits shot dead two police reservists and injured two policemen in a five-hour shoot-out at Majengo village last Saturday. The government has been accused of failing to curb terror attacks by alleged Somali militiamen. Local leaders and residents claim the police knew the bandits imported by the pastoralists to fight against the farmers following a dispute over grazing land. In a hard-hitting statement to the Press, 62 civic leaders led by the Tana River County Council chairman, Mr Salat Garacha, and his deputy, Mr Awadh Doyo, asked the government to overhaul the security chiefs in the district for incompetence. They said that for peace to be restored, the government must establish a police post in the hot spots and patrol the border districts of Ijara and Garissa to prevent armed bandits from entering the country. Last week, three Wardei herdsmen were slashed to death at the same point and more than 200 cattle killed. The local District Officer, Mr Joseph Irungu, who was among the first people at the scene promised to enhance security. Yesterday, police were patrolling the River Tana banks to prevent the influx of foreign bandits. A women's peace initiative has accused the three local MPs Tola Kofa (Galole MP), Mohamed Galgalo (Bura) and Molu Shambaro (Garsen) of neglecting their people while innocent lives continued to be lost. More than 30 women from the two communities said the leaders had failed in their duty. Mrs Ruth Kaseme said their MPs should reconcile the groups instead of staying in Nairobi.

Nigeria

IRIN 30 Oct 2001 Rights group criticises government's stance on killings ABIDJAN, A Nigerian human rights group issued a statement on Monday calling on President Olusegun Obasanjo to take responsibility for recent retaliatory attacks by the army against several Tiv communities in central Benue State. "CRP (Constitutional Rights Project) believes that President Obasanjo should accept personal responsibility for the action of soldiers knowing full well the consequences of his orders and the implications for the sacked villages," the Lagos-based rights organisation said. It was responding to a statement issued on Sunday by the authorities which did not confirm whether the military had carried out the attacks near the Benue/Taraba state borders that left more than 200 people dead and up to 300,000 displaced. The statement, issued on behalf of the government by Nigeria's Minister of Information, Jerry Gana, also reiterated the government's determination to keep soldiers in volatile areas until calm returns. "CRP condemns the action of the soldiers which amounts to genocide and crimes against humanity," the statement went on, calling on the military authorities to conduct an immediate investigation into the matter. It also urged the federal government to set up a judicial commission of inquiry and to bring to justice those responsible for giving the order for the attacks as well as the perpetrators. The army went to the Benue/Taraba borders following a request by the state authorities for assistance in their search for a local militia who had earlier abducted and killed 19 soldiers, and to recover their bodies and weapons, the government statement said. The 19 soldiers, whose mutilated bodies were found in the Tiv stronghold of Zaki-Biam, were among troops deployed by the federal government to end months of low-level clashes over land ownership between ethnic Tiv and Jukun communities. Nigeria's military authorities have denied reports that its troops were involved in any retaliatory attacks against the Tivs.

AP 28 Oct. 2001 Nigerian villagers tell of massacres Troops take part in ethnic conflict By GLENN McKENZIE AGASHA, Nigeria -- Moses Mbaissa fled his home after an attack by fighters from a rival tribe. He took refuge in another town only to find more bloodshed. Soldiers were gunning down unarmed villagers. A longtime conflict between ethnic Tivs and Jukuns has heated up in recent weeks, with tribal fighters hacking off the limbs of women and children and burning villages. Last week, government soldiers sent to quiet the violence entered the fray, burning down at least seven mainly Tiv villages and shooting at least 150 civilians -- and probably twice that many. At a camp in Agasha for some 2,500 displaced civilians set up in a school, Mbaissa, a 30-year-old farmer, told on Saturday how he and his family fled a Jukun attack on his home village of Dooshima nearly two weeks ago. He arrived in the village of Zaki-Biam, just one day before soldiers arrived there Monday. The soldiers gathered up the residents, telling them to "stay quiet while we keep the peace." Then they started shooting and an unknown number were killed, Mbaissa said. Witnesses have related similar grisly tales from several other villages, saying hundreds were killed -- many shot execution-style at point-blank range. Nigeria, Africa's most populous nation, is riven with ethnic, religious and political divides that frequently flare into violence. Fighting between Tivs and Jukuns -- mainly over farmland -- has raged intermittently for more than a decade. Fulanis entered the feud more recently, on the Jukun side. In the past few weeks, violence has intensified along the borders of the states of Benue, Taraba and Nassarawa, with each side burning villages of the other. At the Agasha camp, William Ishor, 45, and his family curled up in exhaustion in the shade of a mango tree, newly arrived Saturday after a seven-day trek fleeing Jukun fighters who attacked their village of Tala. The Jukun attacked suddenly a week ago, burning down houses and screaming "Tivs out," said Ishor, whose family like many others in his village are Tiv. Ishor fled through forests and farms, surviving on raw manioc and corn picked along the way. Along a pothole-pitted road from Benue's capital, Makurdi, all but two of a dozen villages have been completely burned down -- whether in ethnic fighting or by soldiers. Uniformed troops traveling in armored personnel carriers destroyed seven towns over three days starting Monday -- killing 130 people in just one village -- state Gov. George Akume said Thursday. A federal lawmaker representing some of the destroyed villages said Friday that 300 were killed in all, including 150 in Gbeji. State officials say the soldiers attacked in reprisal for the abduction and killing of 19 soldiers by Tiv tribal fighters earlier this month. A witness to the kidnappings, who asked to remain anonymous, alleged the abducted soldiers had taken part in the burning of Tiv houses by Jukun fighters. At a funeral for the soldiers shortly before the massacre began, Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo vowed to punish those responsible for the soldiers' deaths. But defense officials denied that they ordered any revenge attacks. Obasanjo's elected government has promised to "restrain" soldiers if any are discovered to have committed excesses. A federal lawmaker, House of Representatives member George Suswam, accused Obasanjo on Friday of ordering the killings and called for an international investigation. Human rights groups have also called for an independent inquiry. It was unclear whether fighting was still taking place on Saturday -- the scenes of fighting are remote. Tribal militias and soldiers have blocked roads from mainly Tiv Benue to Jukun-dominated areas of Taraba state. A hospital in Makurdi, the Benue state capital, was treating a number of wounded civilians, including Elizabeth Isaac Alogo, whose hands were both hacked off in recent weeks by machete-wielding Fulani fighters who attacked her home village in Nassarawa state, to the north of Benue. Alogo's 16-year-old son was killed in the attack and her teen-age daughter, whose hands had also been cut, died in a hospital.

BBC 25 Oct 2001, Nigerian army campaign 'halted' Zaki Biam is devastated following army shelling A campaign by the Nigerian army against towns and villages in the central state of Benue appears to have been halted after a call by President Olusegun Obasanjo to end all hostilities in the area. Soldiers are reported by eyewitnesses to have indiscriminately killed more than 200 civilians in three days of violence in what appears to be revenge attacks after the killing of 19 soldiers by a local militia two weeks ago. State Governor George Makume earlier said that Mr Obasanjo had told him that although troops had been given orders to enter the state to carry out arrests for the killings, the actions of the past few days had not been authorised. Despite the cessation of army violence coinciding with the plea from the Nigerian president, the Nigerian army have denied involvement in the massacres. Charred bodies The village of Zaki Biam and at least seven other villages in Benue were attacked, including Gbeji, Anyin, Iorja, Vaase, Tseadoor and Sankara. The BBC's Dan Isaacs, who is in the area has visited Zaki Biam, the town where the abducted soldiers were found hacked to death, which he says has been largely destroyed by army shelling. Residents are fleeing for their lives He said: "There is not a single building here that has not been gutted by fire started by the army". "The area is largely deserted, many bodies are still lying in the streets," he added. A local television crew visited the scene shortly afterwards and filmed graphic pictures of charred bodies lying in the streets. 'Ethnic cleansing' Benue state legislators have described the attacks as a "gruesome act of ethnic cleansing against the Tivs," and asked for international intervention. Questions will now be asked why he (the president) took three days to give the orders despite clear evidence of what was taking place BBC Nigeria correspondent Dan Isaacs Our correspondent says the soldiers who were killed two weeks ago were on a peacekeeping mission to try and tackle a long-standing conflict between the Tivs and the Jukun, another ethnic group who are from neighbouring Tiraba state, over land. He says that it appears the army have now sought revenge against the Tivs for their comrades' deaths. "We thought they were coming here to protect us, but suddenly they took up positions and started firing at us," said Titus Madugu, a nurse hiding behind his burned house in Mukardi. Some of the town's residents were too scared to return to their homes, electing instead to spend a third night sleeping in the forest. The response to the soldiers' action has been shock and anger, with university students taking to the streets of Makurdi on Wednesday, burning tyre barricades. Our correspondent says these attacks by the military have shocked Nigerians with their ferocity, and bring back haunting memories of a similar onslaught by the army in the town of Odi in the Niger delta two years ago, when the army killed civilians and levelled the town after soldiers were abducted and killed there. He says that questions will now undoubtedly be asked about why it took President Obasanjo three days to issue the halt to the army campaign, despite clear evidence of what was taking place.

Reuters 25 Oct 2001 Army Ordered to Halt Bloody Crackdown in Nigeria By Tume Ahemba MAKURDI, Nigeria (Reuters) - President Olusegun Obasanjo has ordered the army to halt any activity in central Nigeria where hundreds of ethnic-Tiv villagers have been killed in apparent revenge raids by soldiers, the region's governor said on Thursday. Lawmakers from the area have also sent an urgent appeal to the United States and Britain to help end "this gruesome act of ethnic cleansing." "The president has ordered the immediate cessation of all military operations in the area," Governor George Akume told reporters in Makurdi, capital of central Benue state. "He was not aware of the activities of the military in the area. He gave the order yesterday (Wednesday)," added Akume, who said he spoke with Obasanjo by telephone on Wednesday night. In the first official casualty figure of this week's massacre in some half a dozen Tiv villages, Akume said between 120 and 130 people were gunned down in a single village, Gbeji. Witnesses have said at least 200 people died in the attacks, which spread to neighboring Vaase, Anyiin and Zaki-Biam. Obasanjo's government is struggling in the face of the worst cycle of ethnic or religious violence since the end of the late 1960s, when civil war erupted over breakaway Biafra. Unrest in central Nigeria, the breadbasket of Africa's most populous nation, follows a spate of Muslim-Christian riots in towns in the largely Muslim north, where hundreds of people have died in violence over the past two years. Gbeji bore the brunt of the military crackdown on Tuesday, which followed the abduction and killing of 19 soldiers who said they were there to halt fighting between the Tiv and the Jukun. The slain soldiers were given a national burial in Abuja on Monday when Obasanjo vowed their killers would be hunted down. APPEAL TO AMBASSADORS The two most senior lawmakers from the area where the army killings took place appealed to the ambassadors of the United States and of former colonial ruler Britain to put pressure on the Nigerian government. They linked the killings to clashes between Tiv and other ethnic groups in the neighboring states of Taraba and Nasarawa where the Tiv form significant minorities. "It is clear that the federal government of Nigeria has approved a plan to eliminate the Tiv people from Taraba and Nasarawa states using the Nigerian armed forces of which he (Obasanjo) is the commander-in-chief," Senator Daniel Saror and MP Gabriel Suswam said. "Our prayer and appeal to you is that you please use your good offices to prevail on the Nigerian government to halt this gruesome act of ethnic cleansing," their letter of appeal added. Obasanjo's government has not commented on the army crackdown and the army has denied any killings by soldiers. A similar letter was addressed to Obasanjo. Copies of both were made available to Reuters by the two lawmakers. AMNESTY CALLS FOR INQUIRY Amnesty International, calling for an impartial inquiry, described the killings of villagers as "an act of revenge" and "a killing spree" lasting for three days. On Wednesday violence spread to Makurdi, some 140 km (90 miles) away, and to villages further south. Residents said at least 13 people were killed in Makurdi and three mosques set on fire as protests against the army turned violent. A Reuters reporter on Thursday saw nine charred bodies in the streets, one headless. Another Reuters correspondent on Wednesday reported rioting in Taraku, where barricades of burning tires and torched vehicles were still smoldering. State authorities imposed a night curfew on Makurdi and on nearby Gboko, ordering police to shoot on sight anyone caught breaking the ban. The state capital was largely calm on Thursday, with many shops and some banks open. Police and soldiers with armored cars patrolled the streets.

Daily Trust (Abuja) 25 Oct 2001 Tiv National Assembly Members Accuse Obasanjo of Genocide Rueben Yunana As news of the killing of their tribesmen by soldiers filtered into Abuja, Tiv members of the National Assembly yesterday accused President Olusegun Obasanjo of genocide vowing to take all steps to defend the Tiv race since the Nigerian Army could not defend them. Addressing journalists in the home of Senator Daniel Saror, a member of the House of Representatives Gabriel Torhua Soswan said the Tiv-Jukun crisis and the present storming of Tiv villages by soldiers was a calculated attempt to eliminate the Tiv people. Two months ago he said, Tiv elders had met with Vice-President Atiku Abubakar and alerted him on the fact that the soldiers posted to the area by the Minister of Defence, General T.Y. Danjuma was killing our people, but he dismissed it with a wave of the4 hand." According to him, the attack on Tiv villages had vindicated their earlier stand stressing that his people will not take it lying low. "I do not know what T.Y. Danjuma has against us, but I know this is a calculated attempt to eliminate the Tiv, what is happening can only be compared to what happened in Rwanda. "Now we know that General Victor Malu was retired in order to pave the way for T.Y. to descend on us, look at the attack on Malu's house with around tanks. The house is more than 200 kilometres away from the spot where the soldiers were killed yet it was attacked and his uncle and his wife killed, Suswam lamented. Rep. Suswam carpeted President Obasanjo for being insensitive to the crisis involving the Tivs and Jukuns. "Remember he went to Kano after the recent crisis there. But the President who has sworn to uphold the constitution has not deemed it fit to visit Benue but has ordered soldiers pay through the tax payers money to kill innocent civilians," he said. On the slain soldiers the lawmaker explained that Tiv youths mistook them for mercenaries because they came in four pick up vehicles; two belonging to Wukari Local Government and two bearing no plate numbers. On steps taken so far, Suswam said Tiv members of the National Assembly brief both the British and American Ambassadors on the incident, "We shall take it further. Since the Nigerian Army which is supposed to defend us is now killing us, we shall not take it lying low. We have vowed to take adequate steps to defend ourselves," he warned. Also speaking, Senator Daniel Saror revealed that as soon as it heard of the attack the group had alerted the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Ghali Umar Na'abba, Senate President Anyim Pius Anyim, the National Security Adviser, General Aliyu Gusau and the Minister of Defence, General T.Y. Danjuma. He said a motion would be sponsored in both Houses of the National Assembly praying members to: - urge government to ensure the protection and survival of the Tiv race; allow displaced persons to return to their homes; recall members of the Nigeria Army; take measures to care for millions of refugees and set up a Judicial Commission of inquiry that would come up with the true story of the crisis.

Daily Trust (Abuja) EDITORIAL 25 Oct 2001 Murder of 19 Soldiers: a Call for Restraint On Monday, the nation undertook the sol-emn burial of the murdered 19 soldiers on peacekeeping duties along the Benue-Taraba border. At the ceremony President Obasanjo directed that those involved be tracked down to face justice and warned against the temptation to engage in retributive justice. Murder is not only an offence against humanity but is also a sin against God and is, therefore, an odious abomination deserving condemnation. It is regrettable that the long years of military rule did not leave any redeeming social legacies but succeeded in militarising our society. And nowhere does this negative legacy manifest itself so much as in sectarian and communal clashes which besides questioning our civilisation are threatening our nascent democracy. It is our candid position that the killing of the uniformed personnel should not become a pastime of ethnic militias. Two years ago, under similar circumstances nine policemen and three soldiers were killed in the sleepy town of Odi in Bayelsa State. We send heart-felt condolences to the families of the victims, the Nigerian army and the nation for the irreparable loss the murder of these soldiers on active duty. However, painful as it is in trying moments like these, the federal government must insulate itself from the rash reactions being advocated from every quarter in order to respond in a dispassionate way. And in responding, government should learn a lesson from the Odi tragedy which even in memory continues to reverberate sad notes. For as is commonly said, two wrongs can never make a right. It is just as well that the governor of Benue State, Mr. George Akume, has already apologised for this unfortunate incident. He should go a step further in helping the police to trace the perpetrators so they may be brought to justice. Enough blood has been shed during the democratic struggle and the impression should not be created that we are nurturing our democratic project with blood, or even that Nigeria is a country that eats her own. Daily Trust calls for a constitutional solution to the contentious problem of "settlers" and "indigenes" in Nigeria. A situation whereby people who have spent centuries in a place are still labelled "settlers" in their fatherland by "indigenes" is a recipe for chaos and the concomitant social dislocations.

Reuters 23 Oct 2001 Witnesses Say Soldiers Kill 200 in Nigeria LAGOS, Nigeria (Reuters) - Soldiers opened fire on villagers in central Nigeria and razed four communities, killing more than 200 people, witnesses said Tuesday. The massacre began Monday afternoon in Gbeji and spread to neighboring Vaase, Anyiin and Zaki-Bian near the place where the bodies of 19 soldiers were found hacked to death on Oct. 12, regional government officials said. Farmer Daniel Gbeji told Reuters that soldiers gathered men in the main market square of his village, which bears his family's name, then executed them. ``An armored car with a 911 (troop transport truck) loaded with Nigerian army entered the village. ... Then they started shooting and they killed more than 100 people,'' Gbeji said by telephone from Makurdi where he was being interviewed by state government officials. Shehu Tarna Umah, a reporter for Radio Benue, accompanied a television crew Tuesday to the area hit by the attacks. ``In Zaki-Bian town, the whole market was razed -- there were over 100 bodies on the ground,'' Tarna Umah said by telephone from Makurdi, the Benue state capital. Nigerian army spokesman Colonel Felix Chukwuma denied that soldiers had killed any villagers along the border between Benue and Taraba states. A simmering ethnic conflict shot to national prominence this month after soldiers were abducted by ethnic-Tiv militiamen and hacked to death. The soldiers killed in the Oct. 12 incident were buried with full military honors in Abuja Monday. Thousands of villagers are homeless in central Nigeria after bloody communal clashes that have raised charges of ethnic cleansing. GOVERNOR CALLS FOR ACTION The Benue state governor's spokeswoman, Beckie Orpin, told Reuters by telephone late Tuesday: ``The governor is writing a letter to the president ... asking the federal government to call for a cease to the entire thing.'' ``If the army is sent to go to war with its citizens, the government should know it. We are calling on the federal government to withdraw the troops,'' she said. Gbeji said he hid in bushes while the massacre in his village took place. ``They (the soldiers) called people to come. They came. They said they should sit down, then a man turned to the commander for the order to start shooting. Nobody was able to escape.'' The Radio Benue reporter said he thought the death toll could rise in Zaki-Bian town. ``Because of the fear, people were running here and there. We only managed to get some of the bodies on camera. ... We didn't even manage to get into the main market where the actual killing took place,'' he said. ``It wasn't possible to get to Gbeji.'' Former Nigerian army chief, General Victor Malu, said his own family home in the area was invaded by soldiers who killed the village chief and his wife before burning down houses there. ``I have never been so shocked,'' Malu told Reuters in Lagos. ''A lorry (truck) load of troops and others in three armored personnel carriers started shooting. ``Then they set out systematically, burning my late father's house. They killed the village head, Tor Adoor, and his wife, Doom Adoor,'' he said quoting his younger brother, who phoned him after escaping the attack. CONFRONTATION LAST WEEK Military sources and community leaders said special forces from Makurdi last week confronted fellow soldiers from neighboring Taraba who crossed illegally into Benue to burn homes. Gbeji said he did not obey the soldiers' orders Monday because he had heard reports of men in army uniforms participating in attacks on Tiv villages in the area along the Taraba border. ``I was hiding in the bush very nearby,'' Gbeji said. ``That's where I saw everything. I would not move. I would not even shake because they were shooting at where the grass shook.'' ``After killing, they burned the village,'' he said. ``After burning the village they got petrol and poured it on the bodies they shot down and they burned them again.'' Chukwuma told Reuters the army was carrying out operations in the area to recover weapons local Tiv militiamen had taken from the soldiers who had been hacked to death. ``The brigade was sent there to ... search to recover arms and ammunition,'' Chukwuma said. ``Those who killed the soldiers took away their arms and ammunition so the cordon search started three days ago.'' At the soldiers' funeral Monday, Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo said those who killed them would be punished. ``I have directed the security agencies to bring the perpetrators to book and we will make sure that sort of situation does not arise again,'' Obasanjo said.

Telegraph 25 Oct 2001 UK Nigerian troops massacre villagers By Tim Butcher. AS many as 200 villagers in a remote part of Nigeria have been massacred in an apparent reprisal attack by army units seeking vengeance for the murder of 19 soldiers. President Olusegun Obasanjo was under intense pressure yesterday to mount a full investigation, as the killing added to the tribal and religious divisions threatening to pull apart Africa's most populous country. Witnesses claimed that army units rounded up scores of people in the villages of Anyiin, Gbeji, Zaki-Bian and Vaase and slaughtered them. In one village, men were separated from their wives and children and then shot. One witness said the murders were systematic and calculated, as families were rounded up and then killed. "I was hiding in the bush very nearby," said the farmer. "That's where I saw everything. I would not move. I would not even shake because they were shooting at where the grass shook." Refugees arriving in the provincial capital of Makurdi said soldiers had descended on the villages earlier this week, rounding up men, then shooting and setting them on fire. The killings were apparently in revenge for the murder earlier this month of 19 soldiers who became caught up in a long-standing tribal conflict between the Tivs and Jukuns of Nigeria's central region. The Nigerian army has a reputation for overreacting when it suffers casualties. Army units went berserk in the Delta town of Odi in November 1999 after two soldiers were killed during a routine operation. They razed villages, burnt houses and murdered dozens of people, precipitating one of the worst crises of Gen Obasanjo's rule. He was accused of overseeing a cover-up to save the army from blame. The Nigerian government stuck to its denial of army involvement in Odi, but most observers believe that the incident did significant damage to the president's credibility. The Civil Liberties Organisation of Nigeria said the government should allow a full and transparent investigation. "We are asking for the president to speak out and for the national assembly to investigate," said Abdul Oroh, its executive director. "We want the truth. When you hear about men being separated from women, it is not an indiscriminate thing, it is a calculated act of murder." As the government denied army involvement a regional official contradicted it, saying soldiers had gone on the rampage to avenge comrades who had been hacked to death after they were sent to quell violence between the Tivs and Jukuns.

IRIN 24 Oct 2001 Focus On Central Region Tiv, Jukun Clashes For decades Tivs and their Jukun neighbours in Nigeria's central region have engaged in intermittent fighting, mostly over land and sometimes as political rivals. But in recent weeks, fighting between the two groups has assumed a wider, dangerous dimension, posing a challenge to President Olusegun Obasanjo's administration. The Tivs, one of the biggest of Nigeria's numerous ethnic minorities, form the majority in Benue State. But smaller numbers are also found in neighbouring Taraba, Nasarawa and Plateau states. The Jukuns, however, are the majority in Taraba, which lies to the east of Benue, near the border with Cameroon. Following a fresh outbreak of violence in Taraba State between Tivs and Jukuns early this month, the federal government began to deploy troops around the borders between Benue and Taraba to end the bloody feud. But on 10 October, a contingent of 19 soldiers was ambushed and captured at Vatse, near the border, by a Tiv militia. A few days later their mutilated bodies were found in a primary school in nearby Zaki Biam, a Tiv stronghold. The militia's action, local people said, was prompted by previous incidents in which armed men in uniform have attacked several Tiv communities. Among the Tivs, there is a strong suspicion that elements in the military were backing their Jukun rivals either in sympathy with Nigeria's Minister of Defence, retired Lt-Gen Theophilus Danjuma - who is Jukun - or with his approval. Indeed, the Tiv Progressive Movement, in a petition to Obasanjo, has accused the government of backing their rivals, alleging imminent ethnic cleansing against the community. The organisation purports to defend the interests of the community and is led by prominent politician Paul Unongo. "The Tivs appear now resigned to a serious, long war, believing that they will never get justice from the government in their dispute with the Chamba-Jukun people [Jukun are also called Chamba-Jukun] because government is unashamedly firmly on the side of these people owing to the paramount influence of their big men in government," the petition said. "Your Excellency, if allowed to proceed, this war will be vicious, bloody,and would be fought with a ferocity that it may produce consequences worse than, or at least, similar to the horrible spectacles seen in disasters of Bosnia, the Democratic Republic of Congo and even Rwanda", the petition added. At the moment, the Tivs feel that they are fighting a three-front battle. Apart from the Jukuns, they also have to contend with Fulani nomads with whom they have had bloody disputes over grazing land. In Nasarawa State, there are still bloody remnants from clashes in June involving the Tivs and the Hausa-speaking Azeri over land ownership. While camps set up outside Makurdi, the Benue State capital, for people displaced by the fighting in Nasarawa, were still not completely empty, a new influx from the fighting in Taraba has filled them up. Local officials estimate that some 30,000 people are now living in the camps, in need of urgent relief assistance. But perhaps more worrying are reports from hospitals in the area, where many of those injured in the fighting have been taken. At the Federal Medical Centre, Makurdi, there are several patients whose limbs were cut off, not by the Jukuns they said, but by Fulani herdsmen who raided their villages near the border with Taraba State. Hospitals in Dananacha, Katsina-Ala and Vandekya, have also reported similar injuries in addition to scores of deaths. At the funeral of the 19 soldiers killed by militants on Monday, Obasanjo reiterated his resolve to ensure that those who carried out the killings will be punished. "I have directed the security agencies to track down and bring the perpetrators to book. We will make sure this despicable act is never repeated", Obasanjo said. But many Nigerians are keenly awaiting the form the punishment will take. By the military's antecedents, the expectation is that sooner or later troops will be sent in to ransack the rural towns of Vatse and Zaki Biam where the soldiers were respectively abducted and killed to serve as a lesson to other communities around the country that may want to emulate the Tiv militia blamed for the killings. At least this was the precedent set in 1999, when soldiers were sent into the town of Odi, in the Niger Delta, where twelve policemen had been abducted and killed by militant Ijaw youths. Two years later, Odi is still in ruins. "Odi was a public relations catastrophe for Obasanjo," political analyst Charles Ige, told IRIN. "It will be foolhardy to apply the same tactics again in the current circumstances but again people in the Niger Delta are waiting to scream double standards if the same sledgehammer is not used. And that is a tricky poser for the government". Thousands of people, expecting the worst, have been fleeing Ukum and Katsina-Ala local government areas where the two towns are located. And as if to confirm their fears Benue State officials report that the special forces deployed in the area last week confronted a contingent of soldiers that came over from Taraba to burn villages in Ukum. Apparently the soldiers that came over from Taraba were acting with the sole aim of avenging the death of their colleagues, one Benue official told IRIN. Many analysts link the current bloodletting in central Nigeria to political problems dating to the colonial era. During this period the British delegated powers over this vast region inhabited by many ethnic minorities to its ally, the Hausa-Fulani Muslim caliphate that held sway in many parts of northern Nigeria. The Tivs were one of non-Muslim minorities who vehemently opposed Hausa-Fulani influence, resulting in a major eruption of violence in the early 1960s that required military intervention to contain. While the Tivs preferred political alliances with southern political parties, the Jukuns teamed up with the Northern Peoples' Congress, controlled by the Muslim feudal oligarchs of the north. Violent eruptions between the two groups were recorded in 1959, 1964, 1976 and 1991-92. According to Ige: "The Tiv, Jukun conflict falls into the now familiar pattern of communal violence that has been sweeping Nigeria since the end of 15 years of military rule in 1999. They are symptoms of deep-rooted grievances and discontent that need to be addressed by the government. A military solution will not do".

Daily Trust (Abuja) 23 Oct 2001 Obasanjo Blamed Over Rise in Ethnic Militia Mamman Akpena Lokoja The rise of ethnic militia in Nigeria has been attributed to President Olusegun Obasanjo kid gloves measures in confronting the Odua People's Congress (OPC) monster since the inception of his administration. The former chairman, First Bank Nig. Plc and current board chairman of the Prince Abubakar Audu University, Anyingba, Dr. Mohammad Attah, stated this in Lokoja, the Kogi State capital while fielding questions from journalists. Dr. Attah noted that "the OPC started the problem from the South-West by killing other ethnic nationalities, and the president pretended as if it was no problem until things got to where we are today." Dr. Attah observed that the "president had all the capability to bring the situation under control but the man just can't now because his hands are tied. Since he couldn't do it to his kinsmen tell me, is it the Tivs or the Jukuns that deserve a state of emergency?" He advised President Obasanjo to forget about the 2003 election and do a good job with the present mandate through good policies and people-oriented programmes. Asked the way forward, Dr. Attah said unless the president moved fast, the country would find itself disintegrating. He suggested that the presidential system of government be jettison for the parliamentary system where some measures of autonomy can be guaranteed. Murdered Soldiers: Decapitated Corpses Taken to Yola Email This Page Print This Page Vanguard (Lagos) October 18, 2001 Posted to the web October 18, 2001 Umar Yusuf Yola- THE headless corpses of the 21 soldiers of the 23rd Armoured Brigade, Yola recently murdered by some youths in the ongoing Jukun/Tiv communal clash in Benue and Taraba states were brought to Yola yesterday sparking up anguish amongst their colleagues. The arrival of the corpses in the Adamawa State capital provoked uncontrollable weeping from the families and colleagues of the slain soldiers. One source told Vanguard that 12 of the 21 slain soldiers were attached to the 232 Tank Battalion in Biu, Borno State. Another source disclosed that the atmosphere in the barracks in Yola was so tense that Tivs residing in the barracks started fleeing for fear of possible reprisals from the colleagues of the deceased soldiers. The corpses of the soldiers were deposited at the Federal Medical Centre mortuary awaiting further directive from the Federal Government on their burial arrangements.

Vanguard (Lagos) 16 Oct 2001 Army Wants Powers to Stop Tiv, Jukun War By Rotimi Ajayi Abuja THE Nigerian Army sought yesterday the consent of the Presidency to handle the raging violence between the Tivs and Jukuns, in Taraba State which, last week claimed the lives of 16 soldiers with another three still missing. The army made known its request in Abuja, yesterday at a special security meeting, according to Presidency sources. The meeting was summoned by the Presidency, following the resumption of violence between the two ethnic groups. "The army is very upset about this," sources said yesterday. At the meeting presided over by Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, the Federal Government gave the security agencies the go-ahead to apprehend those responsible for the death of the soldiers. Besides, the security agencies were also mandated to arrest the financiers of the crisis. "The Federal Government has warned that a repeat of the violence will incur its wrath because there are clear constitutional provisions on issues of this nature," said the sources, adding: "Government is out-rightly fed up with the re-occurrence of such violence." Yesterday's meeting attended by Governors Jolly Nyame and George Akume of Taraba and Benue states, respectively, reportedly discussed the remote and immediate causes of the violence and what steps to take to prevent its re-occurrence. The meeting was also attended by the Director-General, State Services, the Defence Minister, the service chiefs, the Inspector-General of Police and the Tor Tiv, Dr. Alfred Torkula. *Gov. Akume apologises However, Gov. George Akume of Benue State has tendered an unreserved apology to the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo over the unfortunate incident of the killing of the 16 soldiers deployed to the Benue/Taraba boundary last week. In a statement personally signed by him, the governor also extended the heartfelt condolences of the government and people of the state to the families of the deceased military personnel. "By our tradition and orientation, we are lovers of the military as an institution. Given the active participation of our sons and daughters in the military and their loyalty to their fatherland, our people cannot deliberately undertake dastardly acts against military personnel," Akume regretted. He noted that there was no doubt that the military personnel were deployed on lawful duties within the boundaries of Benue State to make peace and referred to the Bible thus: "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God." According to him, the tragic killing of the soldiers was a case of mistaken identity. He prayed Almighty God in his infinite mercy, grant the deceased eternal rest and their families the fortitude to bear the painful loss. Meanwhile, the GOC 82 Division, Nigerian Army, Enugu has visited Benue to assess the situation on ground. Impeccable sources told our correspondent that the officer might have also visited the hospital where the bodies of the deceased had been deposited. It was also learnt from the state's police headquarters that officers from the office of the Inspector-General of Police had also visited Benue in two helicopters. The source disclosed that they had useful discussions with the AIG Zone 4 and the Police Commissioner in connection with the boundary crisis and the tragic death of the military personnel. Vanguard gathered, Monday that inhabitants of the border towns within Benue had fled to the interior following the news that soldiers were about to carry out reprisal attack on them. Reports from Taraba State indicated that about 400 Tiv persons have been killed in the attack on Daanacha in Ibi Local Government by the Jukuns. Those who fled the town told our correspondent that weapons similar to explosives were used to raze down the buildings belonging to very rich Tiv people in the settlement at the weekend.

BBC 16 Oct 2001 Nigerian president due in riot-torn city The death toll is feared to be higher than official figures President Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria is expected to visit the northern city of Kano, where clashes between gangs of Muslim and Christian youths have claimed a number of lives. The Nigerian army is maintaining a heavy presence on the streets and while no major outbreaks of violence were reported on Monday, the situation remains tense. I do not know Bush, I do not know Bin Laden, I just know the fighting is no good Muslim community leader The riots began late on Friday after a peaceful anti-American demonstration by local Muslims. Police now say 18 people died in the violence, although the final toll could prove to be much higher. The Nigerian Red Cross said in a statement that they did not know how many had died but said "it was safe and reliable to quote a figure of over 100". It also says that at least 18,000 people, most of them non-Muslims, have been displaced by the clashes. The Red Cross says it has 25 volunteers, providing first aid for those hurt, but it does not give an estimate for the number of casualties in hospitals across the city. It appears that many people are starting to return to their home areas. The security forces have been given orders to shoot any rioters on sight. Leaders meet Searching for a peaceful solution to the crisis, the governor of Kano state, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, called together community leaders on Monday. It was the first such meeting since the conflict began and was a clear sign the authorities have become aware that deploying the army on to the streets may well be containing the situation but is not enough to defuse the underlying tensions. What started as a peaceful anti-American demonstration by Muslims on Friday quickly degenerated into running battles, barricades of burning tyres being erected, cars being set alight and buildings torched. Militant youths from both communities took advantage of the turmoil to loot shops and offices. Underlying tensions Our correspondent, who visited Kano at the weekend, says that at its root the dispute is not about American involvement in Afghanistan, but rather the explosion of simmering tensions between the two communities, in a city where tens of thousands of young men have no jobs and no education. Buildings were set on fire as rival gangs clashed Kano is a majority Muslim city, and Christians there are considered to be outsiders. Economic hardship and lack of opportunity for education breeds frustration which, as elsewhere across Nigeria, has led to violent unrest. It is a pattern that has been repeated across this multi-ethnic and multi-religious country in recent years and on occasions leads to death and destruction. Relations between Christians and Muslims in northern Nigeria have been tense since the extension of Sharia Islamic law in the past 18 months. In February 2000, more than 2,000 people were killed in religious unrest in Kaduna. In Jos, last month at least 500 were said to have died in clashes between Muslim and Christians. The authorities are often reluctant to give out death toll fi