The September 2002 Global News Monitor includes reports of the September 9 massacre of 183 in Gitega Province, Burundi as well as reports of ethnic and religious violence, massacres and atrocities in Afghanistan, Algeria, Colombia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Kenya, Indonesia, Iraq , Israel/Palestinian Authority, Myanmar, Somalia and the Solomon Islands; and election violence in Macedonia and Kashmir, and an attempted coup with ethnic conflict in Ivory Coast. Also included are reports of improvements from recent past violence in Madagascar and Sri Lanka. Reports of judicial proceedings from Australia, Japan, Latvia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Peru, Poland, the United States, the ICTY at the Hague; Investigations (and calls for investigations and/or trials) from Afghanistan, Cambodia, Israel, Nigeria, Russia (Chechnya), Serbia, Sierra Leone and South Africa; and the long-term legacy of past genocide in Germany and Russia and atrocities appeared in news items from Ireland, Japan and the United States. Recent comment on the Global News Monitor: "Excellent monthly newsletters compiling international reporting on conflict issues and threats to ethnic/ religious minorities can be found on the Prevent Genocide International site (www.preventgenocide.org). While largely pulling material from mainstream international media sources, the broad perspective of the screening process guarantees interesting reading." - Inside Indonesia

Africa

Algeria

AFP 6 Sept 2002 Seven civilians killed in Algeria attacks Agence France-Presse Algiers, Seven civilians were killed overnight in two separate attacks blamed on Islamic extremists in northwestern Algeria, residents said on Friday. Witnesses said that four people, including two children, were murdered in a raid on an isolated hamlet near Boukadir, in the Chlef region, 200 kilometres west of the capital. Two young girls were carried off in that attack. Another armed group killed three people at Sidi Brahim, near Miliana in the Ain Defla region, according to local people. Extremists of the Armed Islamic Group (GIA) carried out a massacre on August 15 in another hamlet in the Chlef region, slitting the throats of 26 people from three families. More than 1,050 people have lost their lives in violence related to Islamic insurgency since the beginning of this year, according to a toll based on the figures of the security forces and press reports. The GIA is one of two hardline movements which refused to lay down their arms when President Abdelaziz Bouteflika in 1999 offered a partial amnesty to fighters seeking to overthrow the secular government. The unrest in the north African country began in January 1992 when the army halted a general election which a Muslim fundamentalist party was poised to win. It has since claimed more than 100,000 lives, according to official figures, while an unofficial toll based on press reports and official statements puts the number of dead at around 150,000.

AFP 17 Sept 2002 Three Islamic extremists killed in Algiers ALGIERS: Algerian policemen on Tuesday gunned down three armed Islamic extremists, including two alleged rebel leaders, in the centre of the capital, police said. The three men had "come to plant a very powerful bomb," a police officer at the scene said. "We have been on their trail for several days." The officer added that two of the victims were armed Islamic fundamentalist "emirs", or leaders, considered to be "the most dangerous terrorists in Algiers". However, police refused to identify the men further or to say which extremist movement they belonged to. The bullet-ridden bodies lay beside the car they had been travelling in when they were stopped by police at the intersection of two main streets, Boulevard Mohamed V and Rue Mustapha El-Ouali Sayed. The men, aged in their late 20s, were wearing light shirts, jeans and sports jackets. None had a beard, a hallmark of followers of Islamic fundamentalist movements. Two armed extremist groups — the Armed Islamic Group (GIA) led by Rachid Abou Tourab and Hassan Hattab's Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC) — rejected a reconciliation accord proposed in 1999 by President Abdelaziz Bouteflika and have continued their battle to replace Algeria's secular government with one based on Muslim fundamentalism. The GIA is held responsible for most of the massacres and other attacks against civilians since an Islamic insurrection began in Algeria in 1992, after the army cancelled the second round of a general election a Muslim fundamentalist party was poised to win. The GIA is active in the west of the capital and in the Mitidja agricultural plain to the south, while the GSPC is based in the northeast of the country. Witnesses said there was a brief shootout between the security forces and the three men, who according to the police were in a stolen car when they were trapped. The police had been watching the three men after a tip-off from a member of the public. Early in August, Algiers police dismantled a group of 16 men who had carried out several attacks in the capital and the surrounding area. The city's public prosecutor, Kaddour Berradja, has blamed this group for a bomb blast on July 5, Algeria's independence day, which killed 38 people and wounded dozens more at a market in Larbaa, 20 km south of Algiers. In a film broadcast by the ministry of communications and culture, members of the group confessed to belonging to the GIA and said their orders "to kill without exception" had come directly from Abou Tourab. Abou Tourab emerged as the head of the GIA after the army killed his predecessor, Antar Zouabri, on February 8. He vowed to pursue the same radical line as Zouabri and "slit throats without respite". The alleged GIA members caught last month said Algiers was being targetted by the insurgents who planned to "spread terror" and bring a "climate of insecurity" back to the capital ahead of local elections due on October 10. At least 100,000 people have been killed in Algeria in the past decade, according to official figures, while a toll compiled from press reports puts the number at tens of thousands more than that.

Angola

AFP 20 Sept 2002 Angola's army launches major offensive in Cabinda: priest LUANDA, Sept 20 (AFP) - Angola's army has launched a major offensive against separatist rebels in the oil-rich enclave of Cabinda, a Catholic priest told AFP on Friday. "A major offensive has been undertaken by the Angolan army and is continuing at this moment in Cabinda. Many people have been killed or wounded," said Father Manuel Kongo, leader of one of the province's most significant Christian communities. Cabinda lies to the north of Angola proper and is located between territory of the Democratic Republic of Congo and the Congo Republic. It was handed to the Angolan government by Portugal on independence in 1975 and accounts for a large part of the country's oil revenues. Kongo, who advocates the withdrawal of Angolan troops from Cabinda, could not provide details on civilian or military casualties. The military campaign against the Cabinda Enclave Liberation Front (FLEC) mainly targetted the northern district of Belize and the entire region of the Mayombe tropical rain forest, Kongo said. Kongo leads a movement in civil society that opposes pollution caused by oil companies in the province. A key FLEC leader, Nzita Tiago, who lives in exile in Europe, on Wednesday sent a letter to Cabinda's bishop Paulino Madeka, asking him to mediate in talks between the government in Luanda and the pro-independence rebels, the Roman Catholic radio network Ecclesia reported. He also asked the bishop to help the various factions of FLEC to overcome their differences. FLEC has dozens of different armed factions fighting for independence or administrative autonomy for the province. Luanda opposes independence for Cabinda, and says that talks on the enclave's future are impossible until FLEC finds someone to represent it.

Botswana

IRIN 13 Sept 2002 Basarwa said to be returning to old homes JOHANNESBURG, 13 Sep 2002 (IRIN) - Groups of Botswana's Gana and Gwi Bushmen, also known as the Basarwa, were reported to be returning to their homes in the Central Kalahari Game Reserve in defiance of government attempts at forcing them to settle elsewhere. Over the past few weeks people had been seen transporting water, goats and personal items back to their original homes at Molapo village, where they had lived until their evictions in 1997, Mathambo Ngakaeaja, co-ordinator of the Working Group of Indigenous Minorities of Southern Africa said. Ngakaeaja told IRIN: "Their connection and relationship with the land is so significant and very important. They have big ties that they don't want to lose." Since 1997 the government has moved several hundred people from Molapo and Old Xade to be resettled in camps in Kaudwane and New Xade. A small number of people have remained in the reserve, refusing to leave, even though their water supplies had been cut off. Lobbyists believe they are being removed to protect the government and De Beers' diamond mining rights in the reserve from possible claims, but the government says it was done to provide better facilities to the communities. "They are living in abject poverty at the resettlement camps," Ngakaeaua said. "They have no jobs and rely 100 percent on their government compensation, which is running out. "They were not used to large sums of cash and misused the payouts. Very few people have a meaningful life in the resettlement camps. They have food problems and the land is not as fertile. None of the government's promises materialised," he said. Ngakaeaja said the police had set up roadblocks at Old Xade and were stopping returnees on minor traffic violations and sending them to nearby Ghanzi to resolve the violations. The government ministry responsible for the issue was not available for comment on Friday. Miriam Ross, spokeswoman for awareness group Survival International said that the Basarwa were also concerned that they were no longer able to hunt and felt they were reliant on government "handouts". "Very few are working. Some have found work in small workshops or menial labour," she said. Ngakaeaja said a delegation of NGOs and lawyers would visit the resettlement camps over the next few weeks in preparation for the next stage of a court challenge to their removal. During those visits people would be selected to give oral testimony. This follows the dismissal of an earlier court challenge. For more details: http://www.san.org.za/wimsa/wimsabody.htm http://www.survival-international.org/bushman.htm

Burundi

IRIN 10 Sept 2002 Focus on trauma healing BUJUMBURA, 10 Sep 2002 (IRIN) - "Almost all Burundians suffer from one form or another of trauma due to the crisis they have been experiencing since 1993," a social worker told IRIN during a recent seminar on trauma healing. The workshop, held in the Burundi capital, Bujumbura, was organised by a local NGO, Trauma Healing and Reconciliation Services (THARS), in conjunction with social workers from the US-based Friends' Peace Team Project, which is funded by the Religious Society of Friends, commonly known as Quakers. "Most traumatised Burundians do not sleep easily. They either eat nothing or too much. Many have headaches and nightmares. They are suspicious of one another, and sometimes even couples behave abnormally due to the trauma they experienced," said THARS's coordinator and psychotherapist, David Niyonzima. He went on to note that abnormal behaviour had even filtered down to children, whereby instead of going to school, they tended to hide in the bush to play games. "Others get into taking drugs, sex and alcohol - all because of the trauma they have gone through," he added. However, the most serious trauma arises not so much from what happened to the victims as "not being able to talk about what went on", Carolyne Keys, the THARS project coordinator, told IRIN. "So many people have told us about the series of killings they were not allowed to mourn, they couldn't talk about the loss of a person, they never knew what happened to them, and that of course is very very painful," she said. "A human being can't hold so many negative experiences." HEALING AND RECONCILIATION NECESSARY Burundi has been in a state of war ever since army mutineers murdered President Melchior Ndadaye, the country's first-ever Hutu president in 1993. In the violence which followed, hundreds of thousands of people lost their lives. Now more than 300,000 live in camps for the internally displaced, while about 350,000 fled and are now in refugee camps in northwestern Tanzania. Proponents of trauma healing believe there can be no peace without reconciliation in Burundi, preceded by the healing of those traumatised during years of violence. They predict that in the absence of healing, violence is bound to persist. Victims must first act to heal themselves, and then help others to recover. Only then can reconciliation and peace set in, they say. "I think there has to be some healing before there can be reconciliation," said Keys. "When we look at the cycle of violence, we can see that unless there is healing, mourning, and unless you go through the four or five stages of the healing process, you can't reach that area of acceptance. Then the cycle of violence continues." NEED FOR MATERIAL HELP Helping a traumatised person mainly involves listening to accounts of experiences undergone, then gradually guiding the victim towards a state of forgiveness and acceptance. In this context, however, Burundians are still denied the possibility of adopting such a course, because the war continues unabated. They remain in mourning because people are still dying. What Burundians need now is not only psychological but also material help, psychologists say. Burundi is ranked as one of the world's poorest country. Many of its citizens cannot afford even one meal a day. Social workers are aware of the risk of failure in their efforts to heal the minds of people who have empty stomachs. "There are other things needed in terms of services," American clinical social worker, Susan Nowelsky, told IRIN. "Agencies are trying to come together to coordinate their services." Burundians see counselling as a healing process with a beginning and an end, a view which is not shared by Keys. "We don't say that a person is healed. It is not like an open wound that exactly heals when the skin forms a scar," she said. "Trauma healing is a lifelong journey. It touches the deepest part of the soul, the most inner part of a person. It affects the way the brain functions, it affects everything about a person." ENORMOUS TASK The task of steering Burundians towards reconciliation and peace is enormous because of the huge numbers of people involved in the process. With this in mind, THARS brought together representatives of 20 other organisations working in similar or related fields to participate in a three-day workshop last month, during which they discussed ways of cooperating and coordinating their approach to this task. Most participants said at the end of the meeting that as a result of their participation they had been able to acquire new skills in dealing with trauma. "I will now be able to listen to street children. They have not been given an opportunity to talk about their problems," said Odette Nahayo, a volunteer social worker dealing with street children.

IRIN 10 Sep 2002 Rebel groups call for inclusion in ceasefire talks NAIROBI, - Four Burundian rebel movements have said they must be included in all ceasefire negotiations with the government. The statement was issued on Sunday by the chairmen of the four groups - Leonard Nyangoma of the Conseil national pour la defense de la democratie (CNDD), Joseph Karumba of the Front pour la liberation nationale (FROLINA), Etiennne Karatasi of the Parti pour la liberation du peuple hutu (PALIPEHUTU), and Cossan Kabura of the Forces nationales pour la liberation (FNL). In the statement, they declared that a "memorandum of understanding" reached between the Burundi transitional government and another rebel faction, the Conseil national pour la defense de la democratie-Forces pour la defense de la democratie (CNDD-FDD) led by Jean Bosco Ndayikengurukiye, was not all-inclusive. "The agreement has been concluded by only two out of several belligerents," the statement said, adding that the wording of the accord was "vague", thus making it difficult to implement. According to the statement, by inviting only some of the stakeholders to the talks, the facilitators had sown "confusion" and "pushed the armed political parties and movements into such a situation that they have no other choice but to reject the humiliating conditions". "We consider the methodology of inviting only one armed movement to the negotiations, while excluding others, as a dividing factor," the statement added. "This will have far-reaching counter-productive effects, thus endangering security in Burundi instead of achieving it." In a recent report, Burundi analyst Jan Van Eck said there was unlikely to be "significant progress" in Burundi's ceasefire talks unless they include all belligerents. The talks are being facilitated by South African Deputy President Jacob Zuma in the Tanzanian commercial capital, Dar es Salaam. The next round is due to take place on 16 September.

IRN 11 Sept 2002 Focus on women in government BUJUMBURA, 11 Sep 2002 (IRIN) - In a rare expression of optimism, Burundian women leaders have said they are satisfied with the progress they are making and are looking forward to obtaining more leadership positions in the country's institutions. Their vocabulary has radically changed since the formation of the transitional institutions last November. Before that happened, they were talking about injustice and gender-based discrimination. Now, they discuss the need to persuade men to hand over more leadership posts to women. To convince men of women's ability to occupy such positions, a women's umbrella group - the Coalition of Women's Organisations and NGOs (CAFOB) - has listed the skills of Burundian women. "This is to counter men's pretext that Burundian women are uneducated and therefore cannot occupy important government posts," said CAFOB's deputy chairwoman, Solange Habonimana. AGGRESSIVE CAMPAIGN DURING ARUSHA TALKS During the Arusha talks leading to the formation of the transitional government, women mounted an aggressive diplomatic campaign to convince Burundian politicians that not only should there be a balance between political groupings, but also that the gender angle be taken into account. In this respect, the women enlisted the support of Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni who is the chairman of the Burundi peace initiative, and former South African President Nelson Mandela who is the mediator in the Burundi conflict. As a result, the Arusha agreement allocated 30 percent of cabinet posts to women. There are now four women ministers in the transitional government. "I am satisfied with this initial step," said Concilie Burengengwa, a senior official in the planning ministry. "Now one can see women in important positions. Previously, women were being appointed to ministries such as social affairs - a ministry traditionally headed by women. It is no longer the case now. For example the planning ministry, where I work is headed by a woman who was chosen for her abilities." However, Senator Juliette Kavabuha Icoyitungiye said the ambitions of Burundian women remained largely unfulfilled. "If you look at the Senate, to which I belong, you can easily see that the number of women is still low. We are satisfied with only the first step, and we would like to get more posts," she said. "They decided to give us 30 percent. It would not be a bad idea if they increased the proportion to 50 or 60 percent." EDUCATION TO BRIDGE GENDER GAP Burundian women believe the only way to bridge the gender gap is through education. They say that, traditionally, parents favoured boys when it came to education, but now "things have changed". "For example, [examination] pass marks for girls are no longer lower than those of boys as it used to be. They are equal today," said Burengengwa. Burundian politicians complain that women do not join political parties, when leadership posts are shared out among parties. Burengengwa gives the reasons. "Burundi political parties have no programmes," she said. "This is the problem... People are more concerned about good jobs rather than building the nation. Political parties are a means for the achievement of individual political ambitions, not for the reconstruction of the country. That is why Burundian women have no interest in political parties." And even when they were party members, "they are not given leadership posts", said Jacqueline Kankindi, a project coordinator in the Ministry of Social Action and Women Affairs. "For example, if a political party has four senior positions, one should at least be set aside for a woman." But despite having made progress, women are still face hurdles in their quest for more institutional representation. "Some of those stereotypes opposed to women are still in place," said Burengengwa. "When a woman gets a senior post, people start asking themselves how she got it," Kankindi added. "They cannot understand that she was qualified for the job. They start thinking about other things, they give it a negative connotation, that she had to do this and that. They do not recognise women's skills." Women now also recognise the need to stick to their guns when they are criticised by men. "When a woman is criticised by men for doing something, all the other women get discouraged and stop doing things their own way," said Eurarie Nibizi, who heads a teachers' trade union. "To counter this, women should ignore criticisms and push ahead."

IRIN 13 Sept 2002 New influx of Burundi refugees DAR ES SALAAM, 13 Sep 2002 (IRIN) - Following a recent increase in fighting in Burundi, over 300 refugees have crossed the border into western Tanzania over the last three days, a humanitarian agency told IRIN on Friday. This influx of refugees, most of whom are young men, is the biggest in several months and corresponds with recent reports of further clashes between the forces of the transitional national government and Hutu rebels, said Jesse Kamstra, project coordinator for Tanganyika Christian Refugee Service in Kibondo. "These refugees started arriving a few days after reports of increased fighting," Kamstra said. "From the initial impression we are getting, there are some women and children, but 65 percent of these refugees are young men, about 18 years old, or even younger." "They are from both sides - rebels that are losing and the also the national army. It appears that President Pierre Buyoya's army is using many of the young men as frontliners and when they get a chance to, they flee." This surge of Burundians follows a period of relative calm, during which the number of new arrivals in Kibondo had been as low as 25 a month and the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) had been able to facilitate the repatriation of a number of refugees to Burundi. "There is definitely an influx. We have handled much larger numbers in the past - up to a 1,000 a day - but if this continues, there will be thousands more," Kamstra warned. "Among those that came, there were several that had repatriated in May or June, but, because of the increased levels of violence, had felt that it was not safe to stay." The renewed level of uncertainty comes just days before the next round of peace talks are due to begin in the Tanzanian commercial capital, Dar es Salaam, on 16 September.

AFP 14 Sept 2002 Burundi rebels execute eight civilians: witnesses BUJUMBURA, Sept 14 (AFP) - Eight civilians in Burundi were executed earlier this month and two others kidnapped this week by suspected Hutu rebels, witnesses and a local government official told AFP on Saturday. The Hutu rebels abducted eight men in Kanyosha commune (in Bujumbura Rural, the province that surrounds the capital) and locked them up before accusing them of treason, or collaborating with the army, and executing them, according to the witnesses, who asked not to be named. The last one was executed on Thursday, they said, adding that two other people were kidnapped the same day. "I am aware of the killings of civilians and can even show you their graves," said a local government official, who also asked to remain unnamed. Since the beginning of the year, rebels of the National Liberation Forces have lost much of the support they used to enjoy among the Hutu population of Bujumbura Rural, as well as many of their strongholds. Two weeks ago, 48 rebels were killed in Kanyosha commune when the army attacked one of their bases. Some residents of the province said many people had been forced to pay "fines" to the rebels amounting to several hundred dollars, on pain of death. The FNL denied all this. "It is not just the FNL that is in Bujumbura Rural. The army kills and blames it on the FNL," the movement's political advisor, universally known as "The Preacher," told AFP on Saturday. He alleged that the army was also guilty of extorting money from civilians. More than 250,000 people, mostly civilians, have been killed in Burundi's civil war since 1993.

AFP 16 Sept 2002 Tough task ahead for Burundi ceasefire negotiations by Esdras Ndikumana BUJUMBURA, Sept 16 (AFP) - Burundi's government said Monday it will never agree to a Hutu rebel demand that it accept some blame for a long-running civil war, casting further doubt on ceasefire talks due to resume this week. "The transitional government will never accept this condition, and if the Forces for the Defence of Democracy (FDD) continue to raise it, it means they do not want to negotiate, that's all," Communications Minister Albert Mbonerane told AFP. On Wednesday, delegations from the government and the main wing of the FDD are due to meet in Tanzania to resume talks aimed at halting a war that has killed more than 250,000 people since 1993. On Saturday, FDD spokesman Galase-Daniel Ndabirabe said his movement would travel to Dar es Salaam but would talk to the government only if it "gave a clear response as to its responsibility in the war." Burundi's conflict was sparked by the October 1993 assassination, during a coup backed by the Tutsi-led army, of the country's first elected president, Melchior Ndadaye, a member of the large Hutu majority. "If there is no positive response, it means the government is not in a position to negotiate with us and there will be no negotiations," Ndabirabe warned. The transitional government, in which power is theoretically shared between Hutus and Tutsis, came into being last November. An earlier round of talks between the government and this larger FDD wing was held in Tanzania in August without making much tangible progress. Subsequent talks with a rival FDD wing, which has hardly any troops in Burundi itself, ended with a vague protocol. And an entirely separate Hutu rebel group, the National Liberation Forces (FNL), which is also divided, has refused to talk to the government, saying only the army is a viable negotiating partner. The FNL has also demanded that a series of conditions be fulfilled before it considers laying down its arms. Meanwhile, there is no sign of a let-up in the war. Since the beginning of September, the army claims to have killed more than 60 FNL fighters and more than 50 FDD fighters. Some 20 civilians have been killed over the same period. In Bujumbura, where some areas are often raided by rebels, the ceasefire talks have produced little enthusiasm. "There will be no accord, and even if there is one, there will always be a new (rebel) movement to reject it," said Jean-Charles, a banker, whose opinion seems to be shared by much of the capital's residents.

AFP 17 Sept 2002 Burundi gunmen massacre 183 people: rights official BUJUMBURA, Sept 17 (AFP) - Gunmen in war-ravaged Burundi killed 183 people, mostly civilians, "in cold blood" on September 9, the chairman of the parliamentary human rights committee told AFP on Tuesday. "These people, who had taken refuge from fighting in the hills (in central Burundi), were killed in cold blood by men in military uniforms," said Leonidas Ntibayazi, who also heads the Front for Democracy in Burundi, the country's leading Hutu political party. Military uniforms are worn by armed Hutu rebels as well as government troops in Burundi. The army denied any involvment. "The army has no responsibility in this massacre of civilians," spokesman Colonel Augustin Nzabampema told AFP. "We are carrying out our own investigations. The local administration told us it was in touch with the rebels," he said. "Whether it was the army or the rebels ... we demand an official enquiry because it would be premature to accuse one group or another at this point," Ntibayazi said. He said that 112 of those killed in Itaba commune in the central Gitega Province, 130 kilometres (80 miles) east of the capital, had been identified as civilians. "This is a war crime that has been committed, and we demand the government sets up a commission of enquiry to establish the truth," Ntibayazi said. The government "must explain its silence. We do not understand how such a massacre could take place without the government reacting, when the local administration has been aware for a week," he added. Provincial governor Tharcisse Ntibarirarana confirmed the report. "The massacre of 183 people has been confirmed by local officials and people who buried them. They blame the massacre on the army," which is dominated by the Tutsi minority, he told AFP by telephone. The report came two days before the Bujumbura government and the main wing of Burundi's principal rebel movement, the Forces for the Defence of Democracy (FDD) led by Pierre Nkurunziza, were due to resume peace talks. These negotiations, which had been due to resume in Tanzania on Wednesday, have been postponed until Thursday, a Tanzanian foreign ministry official said Tuesday. The government and the FDD, in negotiations mediated by South Africa, are scheduled to discuss a ceasefire in the war that has claimed more than 250,000 lives since 1993. A first round of talks in mid-August led to no concrete results. The FDD-Nkurunziza is demanding, ahead of direct talks with a delegation from Bujumbura, that the government acknowledge its own role in the start of the war. President Pierre Buyoya has ruled out meeting this pre-condition.

BBC 17 Sept 2002, Burundi gunmen 'massacre 183' Civil war has torn the country apart A senior Burundian parliamentarian has called for an official investigation into the reported killing of 183 people, mostly civilians, last week by uniformed men. We demand an official inquiry because it would be premature to accuse one group or another at this point. The chairman of the parliament's human rights committee, Leonidas Nibayazi, says the men ordered people out of their houses in the province of Gitega and "then told them to lie down and shot them in cold blood". He did not, however, identify those responsible. Military uniforms are normally worn by armed Hutu rebels as well as government troops in Burundi. Heavy fighting between government troops and rebels of the Forces for the Defence of Democracy (FDD) has been going on for several months as South African mediators attempt to get the several rebel groups involved in Burundi's 9-year civil war to agree to a cease-fire. At least 200,000 people, most of them civilians, have been killed. Peace talks "Whether it was the army or the rebels ...we demand an official inquiry because it would be premature to accuse one group or another at this point," Mr Ntibayazi said. He said there were many women and children among the victims. Burundi conflict War began: 1993 200,000 killed Hutus: 85% Tutsis:14% Twa: 1% Tutsis have dominated since independence Correspondents say local witnesses, who refused to give their names, claim government soldiers had shot the civilians. The army spokesman, however, refused to comment on the accusation. Peace talks are due to begin on Friday involving the government and the two main armed rebel Hutu rebel groups for the first time. A power-sharing government between the ethnic Tutsi-led army and some Hutu groups was inaugurated last year but the FNL and the FDD refused to participate. The nine-year civil war has intensified in recent weeks.

Reuters 18 Sept 2002 BUJUMBURA, Sept 18 (Reuters) - Burundi's government confirmed on Wednesday that 183 people, mostly civilians, were killed last week in an attack for which the army and rebel forces have blamed each other. A government spokesman said an investigation would determine who was responsible for what was one of the worst incidents of mass violence in the country's nine-year-old civil war. "What happened at Itaba will be known and a report will be given soon," Albert Mbonerane told reporters in the capital, Bujumbura, referring to a district in central Gitega province where the killings took place on September 9. The head of parliament's human rights commission, Leonidas Ntibayazi, said on Tuesday he had heard of the killings from officials in Gitega, adding that the victims had been fleeing clashes between Hutu rebels and the Tutsi-led army. Rebels of Burundi's ethnic Hutu majority have been fighting the army since 1993 in a war that has killed at least 200,000 people, mostly civilians. Both the army and rebels have been accused by human rights groups of indiscriminate killing. Mbonerane said it was the government that would decide whether outsiders should take part in the probe. "We should wait for the results of the inquiry and government will judge whether an international commission is needed or not," he said. Mbonerane said he had heard one account that put the death toll at 400 but added without elaborating that the government was sticking to a figure of 183 for now. The Forces for the Defence of Democracy (FDD) rebel group accused the army of the killings and said it estimated the number killed at 1,200. "The army gathered the population of the two hills of Kanyonga and Kagoma before killing them. Some were shot dead and others knifed," said FDD spokesman Gelase Ndabirabe, adding he was quoting local authorities in Itaba. Army spokesman Colonel Augustin Nzabampema denied these allegations: "This is pure propaganda", he said.

IRIN 18 Sept 2002 "Villagisation" in camps for internally displaced BUJUMBURA, 18 Sep 2002 (IRIN) - A process of "villagisation" is slowly taking place in camps for internally displaced people (IDPs) in Burundi's central province of Gitega and the northern province of Ngozi, according to humanitarian sources. The camps of Itankoma and Mutaho, in Gitega, and Ruhororo in Ngozi, are home to many IDPs who since 1993 have chosen not to return to their places of origin. Some cite security reasons, while others choose not to return to live among those who killed their relatives. They believe they are better off in a newly created "village", rather than in a more traditional setting where homes are isolated. The villages have streets, semi-permanent houses, running water and pit-latrines. "They only lack electricity," one humanitarian source told IRIN. Some IDPs have also surrounded their homes with a traditional compound - called a Rugo - as a sign of ownership and stability. During the 1980s the former president, Jean-Baptiste Bagaza, actively encouraged the creation of villages in an attempt to improve access to infrastructure. The process was opposed by both the donor communities and Burundians who were used to living in more isolated homes, and subsequently failed. The process of "villagisation" also came under scrutiny in Rwanda where the government tried to isolate rebels by resettling returning refugees into communal villages, called Imidugudu. As in Burundi, the Imidugudu system failed as neither Rwandans nor the international community supported it and the system failed to deliver on the promise of improving the living standards of local people. The current Burundi government says it neither encourages "villagisation" nor opposes it. Speaking to IRIN, the director-general in the ministry for resettlement, Zenobe Niragira, said "The situation evolved by itself and the villagisation process is not a government policy." Many humanitarian workers support Niragira's views, pointing out that what is happening in villages should not be compared to the creation of villages in Burundi in the 1980s. "This is a bottom-up process while that of the 80s was a top-down one imposed by a regime on a people," a Burundian analyst said. "It is an expression of people who share a fear for their security and prefer to sacrifice their traditional way of living in favour of improved security." Some humanitarian sources believe this change of mentality could have a positive impact on the country's development as people voluntarily move out of an overcrowded countryside to settle into villages, which may in turn develop into small towns. As the camps develop into "villages", the focus of their needs also changes. They tend to be less dependent on emergency assistance, and more so on durable development like schools and health facilities.

VOA News 18 Sep 2002 Burundi to Investigate Report Of Massacre The Burundi government says there will be an investigation into a report that 183 people, mostly civilians, were massacred by uniformed men earlier this month. Spokesman Albert Mbonerane made the announcement Wednesday after the head of Burundi's human rights commission reported the killings to journalists Tuesday. Leonidas Ntibayzi said the victims were fleeing clashes between ethnic Hutu rebels and the ethnic Tutsi-led army in central Gitega province on September 9. He said local officials told him they sought refuge in homes. Uniformed men reportedly ordered them out, told them to lie down and shot them. The killers have not been identified. A rebel group blamed the government for the massacre, but the government denied the charge. The rebel group says 1,200 people were slaughtered by government soldiers. The reported massacre comes as rebels and members of the transitional government are trying to restart stalled peace talks in Tanzania. Despite the negotiations, fighting has continued. The war pits ethnic Hutu rebels against the mainly ethnic Tutsi army. It began in 1993 after Tutsi paratroopers assassinated the country's first democratically elected president, a Hutu. An estimated 200,000 people, mostly civilians, have died during the conflict. The rebels belong to the country's Hutu majority. Minority Tutsis have effectively controlled the nation of six million people for all but a few months since its independence from Belgium in 1962.

IRIN 18 Sept 2002 Increased numbers fleeing conflict NAIROBI, 18 Sep 2002 (IRIN) - Over 1,000 Burundians have fled to Tanzania in the last two weeks sparking fears that the intensifying conflict could drive out larger numbers, according to a statement by the UN refugee agency (UNHCR). The refugees said they were fleeing general insecurity, UNHCR spokeswoman Ivana Unluova told IRIN on Wednesday. This included reprisals by the Burundi military on villagers for allegedly supporting rebel groups, and the "forced recruitment" of young Hutu men into the army, she said. Most of the refugees came from the southeastern provinces of Ruyigi and Rutana as well as the central province of Gitega. While over 30 percent of all arrivals this year had come in the last two weeks, Unluova said it was not considered "a dramatic increase" and would not put a strain on the capacity to receive them in the refugee camps. Far more refugees were being assisted by UNHCR to return home than were arriving, she added, with over 25,000 having returned since the voluntary repatriation exercise began in March. "While we are beginning to see an upward trend in the number of arrivals from Burundi, the numbers are still much lower compared to the first eight or nine months of last year," she added. In 2001 a total of 25,000 Burundians fled to Tanzania.

VOA News 19 Sep 2002 Burundi Army Admits to Massacre Of 173 Civilians The Burundi army has admitted to killing 173 civilians in a massacre last week, but says a rebel group is ultimately to blame. The army accused Hutu rebels of taking civilians hostage and using them as accomplices and says the rebels are "fully responsible" for the deaths. The army says the civilians were caught in the crossfire as government troops battled Hutu rebels with the Forces for the Defense of Democracy (FDD). On Tuesday, the chairman of the parliament's human rights committee, Leonidas Ntibayazi, said the victims were fleeing clashes on September ninth between ethnic Hutu rebels and the ethnic Tutsi-led army in central Gitega province. He said local officials said the group sought refuge in homes, and uniformed men reportedly forced them out and shot them. Mr. Ntibayazi also called for an official inquiry into the killings. The rebel FDD postponed peace talks with the transitional government Thursday for two days to mourn the deaths. Both sides have been negotiating a peace deal in Tanzania. Mediators have been trying to restart the stalled talks. The war began in 1993 after Tutsi paratroopers assassinated the country's first democratically elected president, a Hutu. An estimated 200,000 people, mostly civilians, have died during the conflict. Minority Tutsis have effectively controlled the nation of six-million people for all but a few months since independence from Belgium in 1962.

AFP 19 Sept 2002 Burundi army admits massacre, still blames rebels Agence France-Presse Bujumbura, September 19 Burundi's Tutsi-led army admitted on Thursday to having killed 173 people, mostly civilians, on September 9, saying Hutu rebels were nevertheless to blame for the slaughter by taking the civilians as "hostages" or "accomplices." "One hundred and seventy-three people were shot by army elements," army spokesman Colonel Augustin Nzabampema told AFP. The massacre, the biggest for two years in a war that has taken more than 250,000 lives since 1993, occurred in the central province of Gitega. Hutu rebels of the Forces for the Defence of Democracy (FDD) -- with whom the government is due to resume ceasefire talks in Tanzania Thursday -- "are fully responsible for all the civilians who died on September 9 in Itaba Commune in Gitega province," he added. On Tuesday, Leonidas Ntibayazi, chairman of the parliamentery standing Human Rights Committee, and head of Burundi's main Hutu party, said 183 people, including 112 confirmed civilians, had been killed in the massacre.

IRIN 20 Sept 2002 Burundi: Army denies responsibility for Gitega massacre BUJUMBURA, 20 September (IRIN) - The Burundi army has denied responsibility for the massacre of over 170 people in central Gitega province, saying it had been "deliberately misquoted". Army spokesman Colonel Augustin Nzabampema told IRIN on Friday rebel fighters were "fully responsible" for the massacre which occurred on 9 September. And a statement issued by government spokesman Luc Rukingama said the authorities "categorically denied the allegations of Agence France Presse (AFP)" which quoted Nzabempema as saying "173 people were shot by army elements". Speaking to IRIN, Nzabampema denied ever acknowledging that the army was responsible. The rebels were to blame, he said, because they had "abused the people's trust" by telling civilians the hills of Kanyonga and Kagoma in Gitega Province had been set aside as a rebel regroupment area in accordance with the Arusha peace agreement. "We waited for four days before launching the operations in order to allow them [civilians] to leave the combat zones. The responsibility for those who were killed lies squarely on rebel shoulders," Nzabampema added. He said the army's policy was that people should always flee whenever they saw rebels and the army would be careful to make sure there were no civilians remaining in the area. "If there are some remaining, the nature of the operations changes," he told IRIN. "Ways to fight rebels alone, and rebels mixed with civilians are not the same." On Thursday, Tharcisse Ntibarirarana, the chairman of the commission charged with investigating the massacre who is also the governor of Gitega Province, said results of the investigations showed 173 people had been killed (183 was the figure originally reported). He added that responsibility was shared between the rebels, who had misled the people to keep them in the area, and civilians who had not heeded the call to leave. In his statement, government spokesman Luc Rukingama said the killings had occurred during a largescale army operation in the Kanyonga and Kagoma hills against the rebel group, Conseil National pour la Defense de la Democratie/Forces pour la defense de la democratie (CNDD-FDD). He said those killed had not followed orders given by the local administration and the army to evacuate the area, and the rebels had taken them "hostage". The victims had been killed by gunfire and bombs, or had died in their burning houses, he said. He added that the government would continue to investigate the matter in order to discover "the truth" and to understand "the silence" surrounding the killings, which were reported days after they occurred.

IRIN 20 Sept 2002 Refugees accuse army of blocking escape to Tanzania DAR ES SALAAM, 20 September (IRIN) - The Burundian army is reportedly preventing civilians who are fleeing fighting between rebels and government forces from crossing the border into Tanzania, a spokeswoman for the UN refugee agency, UNHCR, told IRIN on Friday. Ivana Unluova said new arrivals in Tanzania had told UNHCR that the army was "actively stopping" civilians from crossing the border especially in Kibuye, central Burundi, from where large numbers were attempting to flee. "As a result, they are camping in the bush and just waiting for their chance to cross," she said. Some of the refugees had come from Gitega where the massacre of over 170 civilians (according to government figures) took place on 9 September. While the refugees said they had fled attacks by the army, it was unclear whether the new arrivals had witnessed the killings, Unluova added. Refugee camps in Kibondo, western Tanzania, have received 997 refugees since the beginning of the month. Although these figures were much higher than in recent months, UNHCR did not consider the situation to be "dramatic", Unluova said. In the past numbers had reached 3,500 a month and there were still more refugees being repatriated than were fleeing to Tanzania, she added. Humanitarian agencies have warned, however, that if the rate of arrivals continues at 150 a day, the recent influx would amount to a "considerable number".

AFP 21 Sept 2002 At least 16 civilians killed in Burundi clashes BUJUMBURA, Sept 21 (AFP) - Between 16 and 20 civilians were killed in Burundi when the army battled Hutu rebels southwest of the capital and took two of the rebels prisoner, military and witnesses said Saturday. "Rebels of the FNL (National Liberation Forces) ambushed an army patrol on Thursday near a village at Rohe," 10 kilometres (six miles) from Bujumbura, army spokesman Colonel Augustin Nzabampema said. "The troops fought back and 16 civilians, caught in crossfire, were killed in the clashes as they were routed," he added. Witnesses said that 20 villagers were killed. About 3,000 local people fled and mostly took refuge in the neighbouring parish of Buhonga, they said. Their accounts were confirmed by the governor of Bujumbura-rural Province, Ignace Ntawembarira, though he said he did not know "exactly how many people were killed, we're still doing the counting." The governor was attending burials in Rohe on Saturday. The reports of the killings came the day on-off ceasefire talks between the government main Hutu rebels were due to resume in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, after a delay to allow the rebels to mourn the victims of a recent massacre. Burundi's Tutsi-led army admitted Thursday that it had killed 173 people, mostly civilians, on September 9, but it blamed Hutu rebels for the slaughter, saying they had taken the civilians as "hostages" or "accomplices." Ceasefire negotiations, which had been due to resume in the week, were postponed after delegates from the main wing of the rebel Forces for the Defence of Democracy (FDD) asked for a delay. The African Union on Friday joined France and other nations as well as the UN Security Council in condemning the mass killings. On Wednesday, an FDD official in Dar es Salaam, economic capital of neighbouring Tanzania where the talks are being held, put the number of dead in the slaughter at 1,000, a figure that no other source has corroborated. Talks between the government and the FNL were expected to start in Dar es Salaam at the end of August, but never got off the ground. More than 250,000 people, mostly civilians, have died in Burundi's civil war since 1993. The war pits the army, dominated by the Tutsi minority, against Hutu rebel movements.

IRIN 23 Sept 2002 Rebel movements reconsider joining government NAIROBI, 23 Sep 2002 (IRIN) - Three Burundian rebel movements have said they plan to reconsider their participation in the transitional government as it has "no authority over the defence and security services" to protect the Burundi population. The statement was issued on 20 September by Leonard Nyangoma of the Conseil national pour la defense de la democratie (CNDD), Joseph Karumba of the Front pour la liberation nationale (FROLINA), and Antoine Sezoya Ngabo of the Parti pour la liberation du peuple Hutu (PALIPEHUTU) in response to the reported massacre of over 170 people in central Gitega province on 9 September. The three rebel groups said the massacre showed that the transitional government had no control over the army, and that the installation of such a government under the Arusha accords was "not enough to protect the civil population". They added that the Burundi people would not be able to enjoy all their rights - including the right to life - unless a "really national" or ethnically mixed army was created to replace the current one. The three rebel movements accused the army of having killed "several hundred innocent people" on 9 September and called on the international community to impose sanctions on arms deliveries. Army spokesman Colonel Augustin Nzabampema told IRIN on Friday that rebel fighters were "fully responsible" for the massacres. "We waited for four days before launching the operations in order to allow them [civilians] to leave the combat zones. The responsibility for those who were killed lies squarely on rebel shoulders," he said.

AFP 23 Sept 2002 Bid to restart Burundi's ceasefire talks fails DAR ES SALAAM, Sept 23 (AFP) - Efforts to restart ceasefire talks between Burundi's government and a faction of the Hutu rebellion have failed after Bujumbura rejected the rebels' conditions, mediators said Monday. "The discussions ended on Sunday without actual ceasefire negotiations having taken place and without any agreement being reached," South African Deputy President Jacob Zuma, who is the principal mediator in the talks, said in a statement. Negotiations between a delegation of Burundi's transitional government and the main wing of the Hutu rebel Forces for the Defence of Democracy (FDD) were to resume Saturday in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, after being delayed earlier in the week. But the rebel delegation called for guarantees from Burundi's transitional government that the Tutsi-led army would abide by a ceasefire agreement. The FDD faction lead by Pierre Nkurunziza wanted the government to agree to a document it called a "declaration of commitment to negotiate" before direct negotiations could start. Indirect contacts through mediators on Saturday and Sunday apparently failed to bridge the gap between the two parties. More than 250,000 people, mostly civilians, have died in a civil war in the central African state since 1993. The war pits the army, dominated by the Tutsi minority, against Hutu rebel movements.

Congo

AP 12 Sep 2002 Ex-Mayor Wanted in Genocide Arrested BRAZZAVILLE, Republic of Congo (AP)  Police arrested a former Rwandan mayor accused by a U.N. tribunal of organizing some of the bloodbaths in the 1994 Rwandan genocide, authorities confirmed Wednesday. Jean Nsengiyumva, better known by the alias Jean-Baptiste Gatete, had been one of nearly two dozen indicted fugitives still sought by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. He was wanted by the tribunal on indictments of genocide and crimes against humanity, tribunal spokesman Kingsley Moghalu said Wednesday by telephone. As mayor of the commune of Murambi in northwest Rwanda, Gatete allegedly orchestrated massacres in Rwanda's southeastern Kibungo prefecture during the 100-day, government-driven killing spree that killed at least 500,000 Tutsis and politically moderate Hutus. Police arrested him without incident Tuesday in the small village of Ngombe north of the Republic of Congo's capital, Brazzaville. An agricultural engineer, Gatete had been living in Republic of Congo since 1996. He taught at a local college and was a leader of the local Rwandan community in exile, Republic of Congo authorities said.

DR Congo

Reuters 6 Sep 2002 UN warning on eastern Congo fighting By Irwin Arieff UNITED NATIONS, Sept 6 (Reuters) - U.N. Security Council members called on Friday for an end to fighting in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, saying fresh hostilities were blocking U.N. plans to help disarm and resettle the Rwandan ethnic Hutus in the region blamed for Rwanda's 1994 genocide. "Members of the council are extremely concerned by the gravity of the situation in the eastern part of the country," Ambassador Stefan Tavrov of Bulgaria, the council president for September, told reporters. The council issued the statement after U.N. officials charged that Rwanda was stepping up its military advances in eastern Congo despite a new peace deal between the two central African neighbors. The statement, however, does not name Rwanda, which has denied any troop movements. The deal, signed in South Africa in July, aims to bring to a close Congo's four-year civil war that has left an estimated 2 million dead and pulled in six armies. Under last month's deal, Rwanda agreed to pull out its troops in exchange for Congo disarming the militant ethnic Hutu fighters accused of slaughtering an estimated 800,000 ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus in Rwanda in 1994. The 3,700-strong U.N. peacekeeping mission in Congo, known as MONUC, has agreed to help Congo demobilize and resettle the Hutu gunmen. The fighters fled across the border to Congo after the genocide, and Rwanda had argued that it needed to keep its troops in eastern Congo to prevent these Hutus from staging cross-border attacks on Rwanda from Congolese soil. FIERCE FIGHTING REPORTED IN ITURI Instead of pulling out of Congo, thousands of Rwandan troops, along with Congo rebel allies, have advanced into Ituri province on Congo's border with Uganda and into Kindu in South Kivu province, according to U.N. officials. Fierce ethnic fighting erupted in Ituri last month, leaving more than 110 people dead at Bunia, a town controlled by Ugandan troops and their rebel allies. Reports of the Rwandan advance came as Ugandan forces prepared to carry out a long-promised final withdrawal from Congo. In their statement, council members said that as long as Ugandan troops remained in the Ituri area, Uganda was "duty-bound to ensure the protection of the population." "They call on all states in the region to bring their influence to bear so as to put a stop to the massacres in Ituri." As for South Kivu, council members said that unless the fighting there ended, MONUC could not help disarm and resettle Hutu fighters. Rwanda and the Congo rebel groups it supports control as much as 40 percent of eastern Congo as the result of the civil war that has raged in the huge and mineral-rich central African nation for four years.

IRIN 6 Sept 2002 Zimbabwe begins troop withdrawal NAIROBI, 6 Sep 2002 (IRIN) - The UN Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (known as MONUC) confirmed on Thursday that Zimbabwean troops have begun their withdrawal from the country, with 150 soldiers leaving Mbandaka, western DRC, on Wednesday night. Three battalions of around 2,400 soldiers remained scattered among the cities of Boende, Bolomba, Mbandaka and Buburu, in Equateur province, MONUC said in a statement. The Zimbabwean army - which has been fighting alongside government forces against rebel groups for the last four years - began withdrawing its equipment and a small contingent of troops on 3 September from Kananga, in the province of Kasai-Occidental. The withdrawals are in line with the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement and various Security Council resolutions demanding the pullout of all foreign forces from Congolese territory. Zimbabwe, Rwanda and Uganda are now the only countries with a considerable number of troops left in the DRC. Uganda withdrew 1,800 soldiers this week from the cities of Beni and Gbadolite, leaving a further 2,000 stationed in Bunia, in the northeast of the country. "We encourage all the other parties to accelerate the process of peace in the region. We believe that before long, the presence of foreign troops will be but a dream," said the UN Special Representative for the DRC, Amos Ngongi. The Congolese government entered into separate peace deals at the end of July and mid-August with Rwanda and Uganda, whereby they reaffirmed their commitment to withdrawing their forces.

IRIN 9 Sept 2002 Ethnic groups differ over Ugandan troop pullout KINSHASA, 9 Sep 2002 (IRIN) - The warring Hema and Lendu ethnic groups in northeastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have failed to see eye to eye over the withdrawal of Ugandan troops from the Ituri region. The disagreement came at the end of a peace conference between the two groups in Kinshasa last week. The Lendu want the immediate withdrawal of Ugandan troops from the main town of Bunia, while the Hema support their continued presence there. "We favour security, and say that the Ugandans know how to maintain calm," Hema spokesman, Pilo Kamarati, told IRIN. But Lendu spokesman Thewi Batsi retorted that true peace would "come automatically when there is no longer a presence of Ugandan troops to support the Hemas in Ituri". Despite their differences, the two communities, in conjunction with other ethnic groups in the region, signed a final communique demanding the departure of the Ugandans and their replacement by a police force. No consensus was reached on a timeframe for the withdrawal. "The accord that President Joseph Kabila and [Ugandan president] Yoweri Museveni are in the process of signing foresees a progressive Ugandan withdrawal and the progressive installation of a police force and administration," said DRC Human Rights Minister Ntumba Luaba-Lumu, who presided at the conference. "The accord between Kampala and Kinshasa foresees synchronising the departure of the Ugandans and the installation of our police to avoid a gap," he added. Uganda has officially withdrawn all its forces from the DRC, except for two battalions which would remain to safeguard civilian security in the troubled city of Bunia, official Radio Uganda reported last week. Uganda signed a peace deal with the DRC on 15 August, under which it pledged to withdraw most of its troops remaining in the country. Bunia, with a population of about 300,000, is less than 50 km from the Ugandan border. The pastoral Hema and the agricultural Lendu, have frequently clashed over leadership in the region, which is rich in minerals and timber.

AP 22 Sept. 2002, Congo civilians' terror not over, despite recent peace agreement By RODRIQUE NGOWI Associated Press KINDU, Congo -- When a notorious rebel commander showed up leading a crackdown on pro-government tribal fighters in eastern Congo, it ended in the cold-blooded murder of more than 50 civilians. Coming a month after Congo and neighboring Rwanda signed a peace deal, the Aug. 30 bloodbath is a sign that for many people in and around this vast Central African country, their four years of horror are far from over. Signs of trouble appeared last month when the bodies of dozens of Rwandan-backed rebels floated downstream past this Congo River port in the Maniema province. They were victims of ambushes by Mayi Mayi tribal fighters in Maniema, whose history is written in the blood of cannibalism, tribal wars, and the hunt for slaves and elephant ivory. Then 14,000 people displaced by the fighting flooded into Kindu, whispering how rebel troops had shot and killed at least 56 civilians on a large island in the river on the morning of Aug. 30 after tying their hands behind their backs and grilling them for information about the Mayi Mayi. Some 200 men are missing after they were seized by rebel troops led by Gabriel Amisi, deputy chief of staff for the army of the Rwandan-backed Congolese Rally for Democracy, human rights activists said. Amisi, known by his nom de guerre Tango 4, is also implicated in the massacre of 180 people in Kisangani, a port farther downriver, during a May 14 uprising and subsequent rebel reprisals. "I was in a group of 58 men led to the center of Nyonga Island for execution on Aug. 30," a trembling survivor said in an interview, holding out a thumb with a bullet wound. He said that after capturing the island from the Mayi Mayi, the rebels divided their captives into groups of five, tied their hands behind their backs and led them away from the women and children. The rebels first interrogated the men, ages 15 to 60, about the whereabouts of the elusive tribal fighters, then lined them up in groups and shot them dead, said the father of two. He spoke on condition of anonymity, saying he feared for his life. He said he was in the last group, and when he saw the bodies of those already shot, he fainted just as the executioners opened fire. A bullet hit his thumb and the other four in his group fell on top of him, dead, he said. He said he hid for two days before crossing the river to Kindu. The sound of gunfire from the direction in which the men had been taken alarmed the women and children, but they were told by their guards not to worry, said a woman whose husband was killed. She also requested anonymity, fearing reprisal. Rebel authorities who control Kindu are forbidding public mourning for the dead, she said. But civilians also suffer mightily under the Mayi Mayi, who accuse them of supporting the rebels and their Rwandan backers. On Tuesday, according to a radio station run by the U.N. mission to Congo, six civilians were burned alive by the Mayi Mayi as Rwandan troops began pulling out of Maniema under the July 30 peace agreement. Three men and three women died and 10 houses were burned, sending 450 people fleeing toward Kindu, the broadcast said. The U.N. has 400 people in Kindu, most of them involved in building their base, and several dozen unarmed military observers who are usually blocked by the rebels from traveling outside town.

Ethiopia

IRIN 12 Sept 2002 One killed in Addis bomb blast NAIROBI, 12 Sep 2002 (IRIN) - At least one person was killed and many more wounded in three successive bomb blasts at an Addis Ababa hotel during celebrations to mark the Ethiopian New Year on Wednesday. According to the pro-government Walta Information Centre, the explosions occurred around 21:15 (local time) at the Tigray Hotel in the Piazza area of the city. The blasts came "in quick succession", one at the entrance to the hotel, another inside the building itself and the third on the street in front of the hotel. Medical workers at the capital's Black Lion hospital said one woman died on arrival at the hospital. She was one of four seriously injured people. Police are investigating the incident, and no-one has yet claimed responsibility. It is feared more people may be dead or wounded under the rubble of the hotel. The same hotel was the target of a grenade attack five years ago by the rebel Oromo Liberation Front.

IRIN 18 Sept 2002 Five killed in grenade attack ADDIS ABABA, - Five people have been killed in a grenade attack in western Ethiopia, local sources told IRIN on Wednesday. The attack took place early on Tuesday morning after the grenade was thrown into the back of a pick-up truck in Gambella. It is believed the attack is part of an increase in violence between rival ethnic groups fighting over scarce resources. Bitter fighting has erupted over the last few months between the Anyuak tribe and the Nuer in an area called Itang. The UN Emergencies Unit for Ethiopia (EUE) says that fertile land along the riverbanks in the region has increased tensions. “Conflict is increasing in Gambella since early 2002,” the EUE said in a recent report after an assessment team was sent to the region to monitor food needs. “Present conflict is largely contained between the Anyuak and Nuer in Itang,” it said, adding that any distributions of food and non–food aid must be carefully handled to ensure current tensions were not inflamed. Gambella, although extremely fertile, is one of Ethiopia’s most isolated regions and home to three large refugee camps for Sudanese fleeing their war-torn country. The United Nations already has imposed restrictions on travel to the region and declared Itang off-limits to staff.

Ivory Coast

AFP 22 Sept 2002 270 killed in uprising By Clar Ni Chonghaile in Abidjan, Ivory Coast S LOYALIST troops barrelled north overnight to oust rebels from the two cities they still hold, as state television said about 270 people had been killed in this West African nation's bloodiest-yet military uprising. Prime Minister Affi Nguessan said a government offensive was imminent. "Our forces are on the move and we hope in the coming hours that we will see the results on the ground," he told state radio. Rebels still control the northern opposition stronghold of Korhogo and the central town of Bouake, 354kms north of Abidjan, the commercial capital. President Laurent Gbagbo has pledged a full-scale battle to remove the rebels. State television said today that initial figures show 270 people were killed and 300 injured in fighting since Thursday's failed coup, but didn't provide a breakdown of the casualties. In Abidjan, Ivory Coast's main city, paramilitary police set fire to a mainly Muslim neighborhood, near the scene of fighting in Thursday's failed coup. Smoke rose as an ominous sign the latest bloodletting was unleashing deadly ethnic, political and religious hatreds in what was once one of West Africa's most stable and prosperous nations. "This is a terrible situation," said Ablasse Rimtoumda, head of the community of Burkina Faso nationals in the burning Agban district. Despairing residents sat with belongings piled beside them as flames destroyed their homes. Newly homeless people pushed carts piled with mattresses, suitcases, and televisions. "People shouldn't do this to us," Rimtoumda said as soot fell around him. Some residents said the paramilitary police had told them they needed to clear the area because rebels had taken refuge there. Western embassies warned of gangs of government supporters armed with machetes roaming the streets of Abidjan, once called the Paris of West Africa. Bands were attacking foreigners from surrounding Muslim countries. Signs that Thursday's attempt to oust President Laurent Gbagbo was turning into an ethnic conflict were evident as well in the northern opposition stronghold of Korhogo, one of two cities still held by rebels. Rebels told residents of the largely Muslim city that the government had recruited Angolan soldiers to "kill northerners," and urged young men to take up arms and join them. The Associated Press there saw one group of at least 10 newly recruited young men head off with the rebels. This former French colony's plummet into chaos began before dawn Thursday. Insurgents, apparently including hundreds of recently sacked soldiers, launched coordinated attacks on military installations, government sites, and Cabinet ministers' houses in five cities and towns. Loyalist forces quelled the uprising in Abidjan after 12 hours of fighting Thursday that left scores dead on the government side, including a Cabinet minister, senior military officers and dozens of paramilitary police. Paramilitary police shot and killed the deposed junta chief whom the government accuses in the coup attempt, Gen Robert Guei. Paramilitary police also killed his wife, son and grandchildren. Today rebels still controlled Korhogo and the central town of Bouake, about 354kms north of Abidjan. Gbagbo, returning home late yesterday after cutting short a state visit to Italy, said in a speech broadcast on state television that government forces would flush out the remaining rebels in Abidjan, and then move toward the two cities still held by the rebels. "The hour of battle has come. Let's lead it with courage. Let's lead it with determination. Let's lead it with honor," he said. This latest coup attempt shattered efforts to restore stability to once-tranquil Ivory Coast after its first-ever coup in 1999. The mayhem in Ivory Coast - the world's largest cocoa producer - raised fears that the nation was falling into the violence that ravaged neighbors Liberia and Sierra Leone for a decade. Gbagbo hinted at foreign involvement in the uprising, but did not name any countries. Opposition leader Alassane Dramane Ouattara sought refuge at French Embassy, fearing he would be blamed for the coup. Simmering tensions between Gbagbo, who draws his support from the mainly Christian south and west, and Ouattara's mainly Northern Muslim backers have regularly exploded, killing hundreds.

Reuters 22 Sept 2002 Immigrant Road to Ivory Coast Passes Through Hell By David Clarke IVORY COAST/BURKINA FASO BORDER (Reuters) - In the eerie no-man's land between two borders a battered mini-bus with a shattered windshield pulls up abruptly. Five young men squeeze out and melt into the moonlit scrub. Reuters Photo They are from Burkina Faso. Their travel documents are in order and they have the right to visit, work and reside in Ivory Coast. What they don't have is cash to pay officials operating the approaching border of their west African neighbor. As in many parts of Africa, corruption among policemen in Ivory Coast is commonplace, but immigrants from Burkina Faso complain they are singled out. On the highway to Ivory Coast's main city Abidjan, it's hard to disagree. Their journey in a clapped-out mini-bus is a catalog of corruption, intimidation, extortion and racism. 21:40. First police checkpoint in Ivory Coast. Those from Burkina Faso pay 1,000 CFA francs ($1.50). Others pass for free. Yellow fever checkpoint. Those without certificates pay 6,500 CFA for a jab. "At least we get something for our money here," says one. Those who cannot afford the vaccination haggle over a lower fee so they can continue their journey. Forestry police checkpoint. The driver of the mini-bus heading from Bobo-Dioulassou in Burkina Faso to Bouake in Ivory Coast does a whip-round and hands coins to an official. Gendarmerie checkpoint. A hulking, heavily-armed man takes papers from the Burkinabes. They spill out of the mini-bus, queue up in the humid night air and each pay 1,000 CFA to officials. The money is not a bribe as such. It's just what people from Burkina Faso pay to get their papers back from policemen. White foreigners don't pay. Ivorians certainly don't. Burkinabes have been on the wrong end of the law in Ivory Coast for several years but it has not always been so. Long an economic powerhouse in west Africa, Ivory Coast once welcomed immigrants, mainly from its northern Muslim neighbors Burkina Faso and Mali. Many came to tend plantations in what is now the world's largest cocoa producer. But economic decline has polarized ethnic and religious rifts and the increasingly acrimonious and violent political landscape is split. The main opposition party hails from the Muslim north. The ruling elite is from the Christian south. INSECURITY RULES 23:15. The mini-bus has traveled five hundred yards past the first police checkpoint and the driver stops for the night. "There are no laws. Everyone gobbles money," said Gouwendmalgre Ouedraogo, a mini-bus driver from Burkina Faso who makes the trip to Ivory Coast three times a week. "And we have to take it as it is because we have no choice. They're all crooks," he grumbled, hunched over the wheel of his 19-seater mini-bus, crammed with 24 adults and two children. There is a town 18 km (11 miles) away but no one travels after dark. A towering soldier, an AK-47 assault rifle dangling from his hand, says it is too dangerous, what with so many armed thieves about. Sweating passengers from the mini-bus, coaches and "bush taxis" bed down on the hard, warm tarmac, swatting mosquitoes, inhaling the stench from dozens of impromptu roadside toilets. 6:00. Bleary-eyed passengers gather at the mini-bus. The five young men who skirted the border posts emerge from the bushes. 6:20. After a heated debate with them about how much to chip in for the first whip-round of the day, the driver moves off, weaving past the slumbering goats and cows on the road. 6:21. Drug police checkpoint. The morning sun glints off a shiny black BMW parked by the ramshackle hut. The policeman, laid back in a wicker lounger, takes some money and admonishes the mini-bus fixer for handing it over in full view. 6.44. Customs checkpoint. Three guards are paid and the mini-bus moves on. Along a straight stretch of rising road the driver points to burned out car wrecks and shattered glass. This is a favorite hunting ground for bandits, he says. 7.23. Forestry police checkpoint, then regular police less than 50 meters on. An official armed with an assault rifle takes papers from the Burkinabes. He gives a thumbs-up to two passengers from Ivory Coast. Twenty minutes later two Burkinabe women have failed to get back their identity cards. Others have paid and the driver wants to leave. The women climb aboard, leaving their papers behind. CHECKPOINTS CONTINUE 8.12. Police checkpoint. An official rants about racism in Europe. In a rage he forgets to shake down the passengers from Burkina Faso. The driver bursts out laughing. This official usually demands up to 15,000 CFA from them, he says. 8.24. Police checkpoint. The women without cards get into trouble. One Burkinabe pays 7,000 CFA to get his documents back. 9.19. Police checkpoint. Papers taken from Burkinabes, some pay to get them back. The driver bundles four in a local taxi to try to get them past a nearby cluster of checkpoints faster. 9.49. Police, gendarmerie, customs checkpoints. Passengers work along the row of booths, negotiating, pleading, paying. 10.38. Police checkpoint. Papers taken from Burkina Faso passengers. Some pay to get them back. One passenger jokes that an identity card, residency card, passport and birth certificate would not suffice as the police would just ask for a death certificate -- and then demand money. 11.38. Police checkpoint. Papers taken from Burkina Faso citizens. Some pay to get them back. 12.21. Gendarmes checkpoint. Quick payment of 1,000 CFA. 12.42. Arrive in Tafire, 85 miles and 17 checkpoints later. 17.25. Eight checkpoints, two punctures, five km on foot and four and a half hours further on the mini-bus nears Bouake. Passengers hand spare cash to the fixer, an Ivorian called Seku Fofona who now lives in Burkina Faso. He says the police sometimes search passengers who claim penury at the final checkpoint before Bouake -- just in case there's some cash left. For those Burkinabes continuing to Abidjan, they can look forward to four more lengthy stops and a 3.00 a.m. arrival, 43 hours after leaving Burkina Faso's capital Ouagadougou. "Ivory Coast? It's just not worth it," laughed Seku as he headed off for few hours sleep, and a return trip to Burkina.

AP 22 Sept 2002 French Troops Arrive in Ivory Coast By CLAR NI CHONGHAILE ASSOCIATED PRESS ABIDJAN, Ivory Coast- French troops rolled through the Ivory Coast countryside Monday to protect Westerners as government soldiers headed for a showdown with rebels controlling two cities, who vowed to fight to the end in the West African nation's bloodiest-ever military uprising. Frightened residents were on edge in the two northern cities where rebels were digging in for battle. One of the cities, Bouake, is the site of a boarding school for foreign missionaries' children - including some 100 Americans aged one to 12. Government troops claimed Sunday to have already surrounded Bouake and to be holding off from immediate attack only out of desire to spare lives. The mutinous soldiers who launched their failed coup Thursday remained defiant. "We are armed to the teeth, and there is no going back," an insurgent commander known by the nom de guerre Samsara 110 declared. He spoke from the other rebel-held city, Korhogo, a northern stronghold of opposition to the government in the largely Christian south. Fears grew of wider conflict splitting West Africa's onetime economic powerhouse, as the coup attempt tapped into the country's volatile divisions between the largely Christian south and the predominately Muslim north. In Bouake, Ivory Coast's second largest city, thousands of civilians marched Sunday in support of the rebel soldiers and against the government of President Laurent Gbagbo. Late Sunday, shooting was heard in the city, but it died down after about 30 minutes. Thursday's coup was launched by insurgents who apparently included a core group of 700-800 ex-soldiers angry over their recent purge from the army for suspected disloyalty. Growing ethnic and regional rifts in the military - linked to the country's north-south tensions - apparently led to the army purge. Samsara 110, the rebel commander, claimed insurgents had 1,000 rebels in Bouake, 780 in Korhogo and more hiding in Ivory Coast's commercial capital Abidjan, ready for action. With supplies including seized weapons from captured government garrisons, "We have the maximum of material," Samsara said - bazookas, rocket and grenade launchers, and other heavy arms. Late Sunday, a convoy of French troops headed north from Abidjan, intending to protect French and international citizens in Bouake, 60 miles away, a spokesman for the French military base in Abidjan said. French transport helicopters and a reported 100 extra French troops landed in Abidjan in the early hours Sunday, reinforcing approximately 600 troops already based there. France said it deployed the reinforcements to protect the nation's 20,000 French citizens and others in the international community. Ivory Coast denied asking for French help putting down the uprising. The U.S. Embassy said it had no immediate evacuation plans for its nationals in Ivory Coast. Nearly 200 foreigners are at Bouake's International Christian Academy, including 100 American children and around 40 more U.S. staffers, said James Forlines, director of Free Will Baptist Foreign Missions, which has missionaries in the region. The school serves missionaries from several countries working all over West Africa, Forlines said from Nashville, Tenn. Some rebel soldiers have taken positions just outside the campus, Forlines said, adding that the school has virtually no security. "It is a very critical situation," he said. "They are absolutely defenselees and are pinned down and have no way to get out." While the French deployment stood to help Europeans and the nation's large Lebanese community, danger was greater for hundreds of thousands of Muslim immigrant workers from surrounding countries. Hundreds of migrants lost their homes on Friday and Saturday when paramilitary police burned a mostly Muslim shantytown in Abidjan. Thursday's uprising left at least 270 dead, by a government count in the rebellion's first days. Defeated in Abidjan and two other cities, coup forces have dug in the north, base of support for opposition leader Alassane Dramane Ouattara. Since Ivory Coast's first-ever coup shattered the country's longtime stability in 1999, ethnic, political and religious tensions have regularly exploded between the mainly Christian south and west and Muslim northerners. Hundreds have died, including scores in an October 2001 massacre of Muslim Ouattara supporters in Abidjan widely blamed on the Gbagbo-loyalist paramilitary police. "Since Gbagbo came to power, he has been killing our families. We are fed up with him," one young man said during the march Sunday in Boauke, bellowing as crowds chanted and whistled around him, cheering the rebels. In Paris, Gbagbo spokesman Toussaint Alain blamed the uprising on Ivory Coast's neighbors - an accusation widely believed aimed at the Muslim nation of Burkina Faso, on Ivory Coast's northern border. Alain called the insurgents "pseudo-rebels" and "dogs of war, mercenaries ... paid by foreigners." The presidential spokesman said that the government had proof that the rebels were using "foreign equipment" and receiving supplies by air. Ivory Coast previously has accused Burkina Faso of providing haven and support to armed Ivorian dissidents. Burkina Faso has beefed security along its borders with hundreds of troops since Thursday's uprising. Liberia, to the west, also has said it had reinforced its borders.

Kenya

IRIN 10 Sept 2002 3,000 displaced by inter-ethnic clashes NAIROBI, 10 Sep 2002 (IRIN) - Some 3,000 people displaced by recent inter-ethnic conflict in Isiolo, central Kenya, are refusing to return to their homes for fear of further violence, according to local sources in Isiolo. "People are terrified, they are expecting to be attacked again. Efforts to return them have not been fruitful," sources told IRIN on Tuesday. Many families had moved from their manyattas (dwellings), and were camping at the local district headquarters, or had been permitted to stay in local church buildings, sources said. According to Bishop Luigi Locati of the Diocese of Isiolo, the Catholic Church had been able to set up temporary accommodation for about 200 families, and had been distributing food to some of the displaced. However, many people were still in need of food, blankets, and other household items. Fighting broke out on Wednesday 4 September when a Turkana manyatta at Eremet, in the central division of Isiolo District, was attacked by some 200 raiders thought to be from the neighbouring Borana community, Kenyan radio reported at the time. Six people were killed and some 1,000 head of cattle stolen in the attack. Further clashes had occurred over the following four days at Mashambani, Daaba and Ngabela locations, despite assurances from police that security had been tightened in the district, according to media reports. A total of 14 people have now lost their lives in the clashes, according to local sources. Although there had been speculation that the attacks had a political motive ahead of this year's parliamentary and presidential elections, sources told IRIN the conflict was most likely linked to the scarce availability of good pasture in the semi-arid region. Revenge was also thought to have partly driven the attacks, following a raid by Turkana tribesmen on a Borana settlement in July, local sources told IRIN. They said that although discussions among local peace committees had generated ideas to stop frequent clashes between the two communities, it was essential that government become closely involved in any attempts at reconciliation between the two communities. "These parties have no machinery to implement what has been agreed. It should be the government working to do this," the sources said.

IRIN 18 Sept 2002 Ethnic violence linked to politics NAIROBI, 18 Sep 2002 (IRIN) - Renewed ethnic tensions in the Gucha, Transmara and Migori districts of western Kenya, in which several people have been killed since last week, have been linked to crucial presidential and parliamentary elections expected later this year. On Sunday, two people were killed and 10 injured when youths from Gucha and Transmara were engaged in running battles along the border of the two districts, the 'Daily Nation' reported. This brought to eight the number of people killed in the area over the past two weeks. In other incidents, at least two people were killed and seven injured at the weekend when a gang of 100 men, armed with crude weapons, attacked worshippers at a Catholic diocese in neighbouring Kisii district, according to the Catholic Information Service for East Africa (CISA. The attack followed recent political tension between supporters of the ruling Kenya African National Union (KANU) party and Ford-People, a rival political party, CISA reported on Monday. The National Council of the Churches of Kenya (NCCK) and the Peace and Development Network (Peace Net) - organisations which run peace initiatives in regions prone to cattle rustling - told IRIN they were awaiting reports from monitoring teams they had sent to assess the situation. A humanitarian source based in Gucha told IRIN on Wednesday that the current ethnic tensions in the region were not just a normal problem resulting from cattle rustling - a common phenomenon in the area - but were due to political problems that typically occurred during election periods. "We have reason to worry that this year's election is likely to be accompanied by incidences of violence," the source said. "The tensions escalating everywhere are a problem resulting from political temperatures taking their toll on Kenyans." Incumbent President Daniel arap Moi is due to step down and there is controversy over his preferred successor, Uhuru Kenyatta, the son of Kenya's first president.

Baltimore Sun 23 Sept 2002 Favorite son KENYA IS SUCH an important African country that it matters to the rest of the world who will succeed President Daniel arap Moi when his 25-year rule ends in four months. That question matters so much to Mr. Moi as well that he wants the ruling party to consider only his choice. When Vice President George Saitoti dared to promote his own candidacy, he was summarily fired. Since its independence from Britain in 1963, Kenya has had only two presidents. And Mr. Moi insists that the first president's son, Uhuru Kenyatta, should succeed him, although half a dozen other ruling party officials of the Kenya African National Union (KANU) party would want to run as well. In a rare open challenge to Mr. Moi, they have formed an alliance to press for open elections. The Kenyatta bandwagon, which may now be unstoppable, began gaining speed in July when former first lady Mama Ngina Kenyatta said her 41-year-old son should lead the country. The idea was quickly endorsed by the dominant Kikuyu tribe that has felt sidelined under Mr. Moi. The Kenyatta dynasty is enormously powerful. Mr. Kenyatta's sister, Margaret, was a longtime mayor of Nairobi and head of the country's leading women's organization, which is pushing him. Yet just five years ago Mr. Kenyatta himself failed to win a seat in the parliament. His career took off only after he was appointed chairman of the Kenya Tourism Board and later became government minister and vice chairman of KANU. Under the manipulative Mr. Moi, Kenya has avoided the fate of many of its neighbors, economic collapse or genocide. But as political and economic power has concentrated in few hands, the country has stagnated. Corruption is endemic, and the infrastructure is falling apart. A closed presidential election would not be in Kenyans' interest. It would limit debate about serious problems, which run from high unemployment to rampant AIDS infections. It might also fan tribal tensions, which Mr. Moi has skillfully kept in check during his long rule. And it would do nothing to increase accountability and democracy in a country that often has trouble understanding and practicing either concept.

Liberia

Pan African News Agency -PANA 16 Sept 2002 Liberia: Residents demand removal of soldiers from streets of Monrovia Monrovia, Liberia (PANA) - Liberians on Monday urged the government to remove soldiers deployed throughout streets of Monrovia after President Charles Taylor on Saturday lifted the state of emergency he imposed last 8 February. In a live talk show aired on the Catholic-run Radio Veritas station in Monrovia, a cross-section of the citizenry also called on the government to curtail the movement of armed militiamen roaming the city. The callers said their movements have created tension and a state of insecurity since the state of emergency was imposed after rebels of the Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (LURD) encroached on Monrovia. Others are calling for the "withdrawal of soldiers of the dreaded Anti-Terrorist Unit (ATU) deployed in Monrovia for the past several months as there is no longer a grave danger hanging over the city. Some of the citizens branded the ATU soldiers as being ruthless and indisciplined in their interaction with the public. In a public address from his official office, Taylor lifted the state of emergency, as well as the government-imposed ban on political rallies and public gatherings. Taylor told the nation that "most of the circumstances and conditions that necessitated the declaration of the state of emergency has been removed." He said his government has already liberated most of the areas that LURD dissidents occupied, saying they remained in Voinjama and Zorzor in Lofa County, 160km north of Monrovia. The independent Inquirer Newspaper, in its Monday editorial captioned "Thank You Mr. President But...," asked Taylor "to go further by granting clemency to all those detained in connecting with LURD since he had extended an olive branch to the dissidents to return home and nothing will happen to them once they come without guns and in good faith." The NEWS newspaper in its editorial captioned, "Be Guided By Public Opinion," said Taylor's consultations with the Legislature, the ruling National Patriotic Party and the Collaborating Political Parties is directed at acquiring public opinion. It urged Taylor to use public opinion "to implement resolutions coming out of the ongoing national conference on reconciliation and set free all those detained in connection with LURD."

IRIN 16 Sep 2002 President Taylor lifts state of emergency ABIDJAN, - Liberian President Charles Taylor on Saturday lifted a state of emergency that was imposed in February and restrictions on political party meetings. "We hereby lift the state of emergency with immediate effect. We also with immediate effect lift the ban on mass political party rallies," Taylor said in a national radio address. Taylor said there had been positive developments in the war against rebels in the north and lifting the emergency would "contribute immensely in the search for lasting peace and serve as a catalyst for dialogue leading to national peace and reconciliation and preparing the way for general elections next year." The Liberian army on Friday reported that it had pushed back the Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (LURD) rebels from the town of Bopolu in Gbarpolu County. The army had also intensified efforts to retake Zorzor, near the border with Guinea. Diplomats said the relaxation of the emergency and restrictions on political party activities, was intended to send a positive signal to opponents who refused to attend a national reconciliation conference in the capital, Monrovia, out of security fears. News agencies on Sunday quoted the LURD as saying they welcomed the move but rejected any talks with Taylor. Radio France International quoted rebel spokesman William Hanson as saying "it was a good move, but not enough". "What could really introduce a change would be Taylor's resignation and departure from the country. Our view is that the presence of Taylor in the country is not good. For the conflict to end, he has to resign from the presidency," the radio quoted Hanson as saying. Taylor announced the emergency on 8 February. At the time the LURD had threatened to overrun Monrovia. In April, he ordered a suspension of all mass political gatherings nationwide in line with the emergency. Human rights groups, including Amnesty International, said Taylor took advantage of the emergency to curtail the rights of Liberians, ranging from the right to life to the right of freedom of expression.

Madagascar

IRIN 2 Sept 2002 Ravalomanana gets UN nod of approval JOHANNESBURG, 2 Sep 2002 (IRIN) - The presence of Madagascar's new president, Marc Ravalomanana, at the Earth Summit in South Africa this week is likely to put further pressure on African countries to reconsider their isolation of the Indian Ocean island, analysts said on Monday. Ravalomanana arrived in South Africa on Sunday, at the invitation of the United Nations, to attend the World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg. Malagasy officials said the invitation was tacit recognition of the island's new leader. "This is a milestone in President Ravalomanana's international acceptance. There is no doubt that he is now considered the legitimate ruler of Madagascar," Madagascar's consul-general in South Africa, Bruno Ranarivelo, told IRIN. Ranarivelo said that Ravalomanana was expected to hold talks with world leaders and top government officials at the summit, including South African President Thabo Mbeki, and US Secretary of State Colin Powell. "A number of issues will be discussed, mainly dealing with rebuilding the economy and re-establishing political ties," he added. Since claiming an outright win in a disputed presidential election earlier in the year, a move backed by the country's highest court, Ravalomanana has gathered increasing international support from Western countries. But African leaders have been reluctant to endorse his presidency, saying his election had not been "legally constituted", and have called for fresh elections. At the launch of the African Union (AU) in South Africa in July, African heads of state upheld a decision to exclude the country from the new Union. However, a week following the AU's launch, Senegal formally recognised Ravalomanana's administration. Observers remarked that it was only a matter of time before the rest of the continent followed suit. A thaw in relations between the Union and the Malagasy government seemed to occur at the end of July when an AU delegation visited the country. Led by South African Foreign Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, the AU called for the removal of any obstacles that could further delay the return of Madagascar to the pan-African organisation. But the AU still did not say whether or not it would recognise Ravalomanana. "The AU now, despite its insistence earlier that it would not be guided by the fact that the major donors have accepted the new government, will have to rethink its position. Ravalomanana is here to stay, and the UN's invitation to the summit means he is part of international diplomatic circles," said a political analyst at the University of Madagascar, Didier Ramakavelo. France - the former colonial power - the United States, Britain and China, have all formally endorsed Ravalomanana's government. Currently, only a handful of African countries officially recognise Ravalomanana, including Senegal, Libya, Burkina Faso, Mauritius and the Comoros.

Malawi

AFP 16 Sept 2002 Donors warn Malawi President over bid for third term BLANTYRE, Sept 16 (AFP) - Major western donor nations on Monday warned President Bakili Muluzi of Malawi to think twice before considering a controversial amendment to the constitution that would allow him to stand for a third term. "We would again strongly urge that such an important constitutional amendment be considered only after a consultation process that encourages the free expression of views by all interested Malawians, without fear of intimidation or retribution, and in accordance with democratiic principles," a joint statement said. The statement was released in Lilongwe, the administrative capital of Malawi, by the mission of the European Union and the embassies of Britain, Germany, Norway and the United States. Donors bankroll up to 80 percent of the impoverished southern African nation's development budget. The bill was initially rejected in July by parliament, and Muluzi conceded defeat, saying he would accept the parliamentary ruling. However, the bill allowing sitting presidents to stand for three consecutive terms, was gazetted early this month and is set to be tabled in parliament next month. The donors said they noted with "regret" that the tabling of the bill had increased tensions within Malawian society, "resulting in a ban on demonstrations, increases in the level of intimidation and political violence and allegations of corruption." "We encourage all those involved in Malawi's democratic development to play their part in curbing political violence and intimidation and call on the government and the law enforcers to act appropriately and impartially against any and all reports of such violence and intimidation," the statement said. If passed, the bill will allow Muluzi to stand for a third term after his current term expires in 2004.

Nigeria

This Day (Lagos, Nigeria) 3 Sept 2002 Tiv-Jukun Crisis: Akume Seeks Expansion of Panel's Terms of Reference Lagos Benue State Governor, Mr. George Akume, has called for the expansion of the terms of reference of the Justice Opene Commission probing the recent Tiv-Jukun crisis to include the payment of compensation and scrutinising the role of the Federal Government during the crisis. Akume, who spoke while receiving the chairman and members of the Commission on a fact finding mission to the state, observed that although the terms of reference of the commission appear to be comprehensive, it seemed to have left out the role of the federal and local governments during the crisis. The governor said that the terms of reference of the commission needed to be expanded especially as the role of the security forces are the exclusive preserve of the federal government. According to the governor, it was unfortunate that the Middle Belt was being referred to as a crisis belt when it should be called the belt of poverty, which contributed immensely to the development of the country with nothing as its reward. He cited the non-completion of the Mambilla Hydro-electric project and the Ajaokuta Steel project as evidence of the neglect of the belt. Speaking earlier, Justice Okwuchukwu Opene, had stated that the tour was one of the initiatives of the committee through which it intended to interact with various stakeholders on the need for lasting peace in the region. The chairman said that during the tour members will visit selected areas of conflict for direct physical assessment of the situations. He recalled that the commission, which was inaugurated by President Olusegun Obasanjo on March 6, commenced sitting on May 21, 2002.

AP 4 Sept 2002 Obasanjo Accused of Ordering Massacres ABUJA, Nigeria (AP) -- Lawmakers from Nigeria's ruling party stepped up efforts to impeach President Olusegun Obasanjo Wednesday, accusing him of twice ordering soldiers to massacre civilians. The allegations were the most damning on a list of 17 charges of ``gross misconduct'' leveled by the Peoples Democratic Party caucus, which controls the House of Representatives. It was the first time lawmakers publicly accused Obasanjo of ordering the attacks, and marks another step toward impeaching the Nigerian leader, who is feted internationally but increasingly criticized at home. The first attack, allegedly ordered by the president, was a little-reported army raid on the southern Niger Delta town of Odi in November 1999 after seven police officers were killed in the area. Soldiers killed an estimated 1,000 civilians. The second was in October 2001 when the army killed hundreds in central Benue state after local militiamen executed 19 soldiers. ``He authorized the deployment of military troops to Odi to massacre innocent citizens without recourse to the National Assembly,'' House spokesman Farouk Lawan said Wednesday, reading the charges to reporters. Obasanjo similarly sent the army into Benue ``without lawful authority,'' he said. Presidential spokesman Tunji Oseni declined to comment on the charges, but said the presidency will respond formally in the coming days. Last week, the Geneva-based World Organization Against Torture and the Lagos-based Center for Law Enforcement Education asked the United Nations and Commonwealth ministers to investigate the role Obasanjo's government played in ethnic and religious clashes, which have killed more than 10,000 people since he came to power. Obasanjo has described the House's impeachment threat as ``a joke taken a little bit too far.'' But lawmakers, including those from his own ruling party, said he's acted autocratically and ignored the parliament's authority. Last week, lawmakers formed a committee to produce a list of specific examples of alleged misconduct by Obasanjo. The Senate threw its support behind the House's bid last week and said it would investigate allegations that Obasanjo broke government spending laws. The House also accused the president of violating the constitution by withdrawing more than $265 million from central bank accounts without needed parliamentary approval, failing to pay full entitlements to state governments and violating principles of transparency and accountability in managing government finances, Lawan said. The caucus gave the ruling party 10 days to present the president's defense before taking more action toward impeachment, Lawan said. This is not the first time the threat of impeachment has hung over Obasanjo. Previous attempts by the House to impeach the president have failed, and the Senate called off its attempts in June after Obasanjo negotiated a truce with Senate leaders. Analysts said the actions are designed to damage Obasanjo politically, but they doubted the new charges would lead to his removal. Obasanjo, whose 1999 election ended decades of brutal and corrupt military rule, will run for a second term in presidential elections tentatively expected to be held in April. He has warned of the danger of growing violence as politicians jockey for position ahead of the polls. More than 70 million Nigerians live in dire poverty, according to the United Nations.

IRIN 9 Sept 2002 Obasanjo proposes bill to pacify oil region LAGOS, 9 Sep 2002 (IRIN) - Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo has proposed a bill to increase the share of the country's oil revenue to states in the southern oil region, in an apparent effort to help pacify its increasingly restive communities. A senior presidential aide said on Monday that the bill, which seeks to address the current dichotomy between revenues from onshore and offshore oil production, was forwarded to the national assembly (parliament) last week. "It is expected the legislature will treat it urgently and end the growing disaffection of the Niger Delta people, after the Supreme Court gave the federal government control over offshore oil," the presidential aide told IRIN. Under the 1999 constitution, at least 13 percent of total oil revenue was to go to the impoverished oil region. However, on taking office, Obasanjo limited the allocation to 7.5 percent of revenues, on the grounds that offshore oil belonged to the federal government. Oil is the mainstay of Nigeria s economy, making the distribution of revenues a key element of the country s political dynamic. Following a dispute raised by the affected state governments, the federal government last year filed a complaint at the Supreme Court seeking a ruling on the ownership of offshore oil. In its judgment in March, the court ruled that offshore oil revenues belonged exclusively to the federal government. The ruling was viewed adversely in the oil regions, where it reduced the financial resources of most state governments. Akwa Ibom and Ondo lost most of their share of oil revenues, since most of the production in these states was offshore. There have since been a series of protests in the region, disrupting the operations of oil transnationals, in apparent reaction to the Supreme Court ruling. Obasanjo will be seeking re-election next year and the row over oil revenue distribution has raised questions about his electoral prospects in the Niger Delta, where he polled very strongly in 1999. Analysts see the proposed bill as a deft political stroke by Obasanjo, to repair his political standing in the region, which produces almost all of Nigeria's oil, ahead of next year's elections.

IRIN 10 Sept 2002 Lawyers demand emergency rule in Anambra State LAGOS, 10 Sep 2002 (IRIN) - The umbrella association of Nigerian lawyers has called on President Olusegun Obasanjo to declare emergency rule in the southeastern state of Anambra, where they allege that law and order has broken down irretrievably. A statement by the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), sent to IRIN on Tuesday, said the call was in response to the brutal murder of its local branch chairman, Barnabas Igwe, and his wife, in the violence-prone city of Onitsha, Anambra State, on 1 September. The NBA blames the state governor, Chinwoke Mbadinuju, of whom Igwe was very critical, for the murders. "As at now, most of the legal practitioners based in Anambra State have been put under siege, living in fear for their lives," NBA president Wole Olanipekun said in the statement. "Anonymous telephone calls are reportedly being received by them [the lawyers] on an hourly basis, threatening to eliminate them for their guts in advising the state government to pay arrears of workers' salaries and govern in accordance with the constitution," he added. Unless the federal government intervened, the situation in Anambra State was soon likely to get out of control soon and threaten the whole of Nigeria, according to the NBA. There has so far been no response to the call from the presidency. Under emergency rule, the governor and the state legislature could be suspended, with President Obasanjo governing the state by decree until he was satisfied that normality had returned. Igwe and his wife were attacked by a group of armed men as they returned from an evening outing. According to witnesses, they were dragged out of their car and dealt several machete blows before being shot. Their assailants deliberately drove over their bodies before fleeing into the night, reports added. The deceased lawyer had been very critical of Mbadinuju over the arrears of several months of salaries owed the state workers, and for operating the anti-crime vigilante outfit known as the Bakassi Boys. Local and international human rights groups have accused the vigilante group of committing more than 1,000 extra-judicial killings since it was set up two years ago. Governor Mbadinuju has denied any involvement in the killing of the Igwes, and has offered to resign if a judicial inquiry established to investigate the killings linked his government to the deaths. The killings added to the climate of violence that has enveloped Nigeria over the last year and in the run-up to general elections scheduled for early 2003. In December 2001, the country's then Minister of Justice and Attorney-General, Bola Ige, was killed in his home by as yet unknown assassins.

IRIN 13 Sept 2002 Plateau urges calm after church blast LAGOS, 13 Sep 2002 (IRIN) - The Plateau State government in central Nigeria on Thursday urged residents of the state capital, Jos, to remain calm after a bomb attack on a church gave rise to tension in the city. The explosion at the Church of Christ in Nigeria, in the Laranto suburb to the north of the city, on Wednesday caused slight damage but no injuries were reported. However, there was a surge of tension in the city in which more than 1,000 people died exactly a year before in sectarian violence involving Christians and Muslims. Since the September 2001 violence, clashes have occurred on a smaller scale between adherents of both faiths in different parts of Plateau State, claiming numerous lives. "The state government wishes to reassure all citizens to remain calm [sic] and go about their normal businesses as this isolated incident is being tackled by the relevant security agencies," Ezekiel Gomos, secretary to the state government said on Thursday. Those threatening the peace of the state would be dealt with decisively, he added. Security agencies in Plateau State, including the police and military, have been put on alert. Police bomb experts and detectives have launched an investigation into the bombing. Abraham Yiljap, spokesman for the Church of Christ in Nigeria, said the huge explosion on Wednesday morning shook buildings in the surrounding area and covered the church premises with thick, dark smoke.

Rwanda

WP 23 Sept 2002 Islam Attracting Many Survivors of Rwanda Genocide Jihad Is Taught as 'Struggle to Heal' By Emily Wax Page A10 RUHENGERI, Rwanda -- The villagers with their forest green head wraps and forest green Korans arrived at the mosque on a rainy Sunday afternoon for a lecture for new converts. There was one main topic: jihad. They found their seats and flipped to the right page. Hands flew in the air. People read passages aloud. And the word jihad -- holy struggle -- echoed again and again through the dark, leaky room. It wasn't the kind of jihad that has been in the news since Sept. 11, 2001. There were no references to Osama bin Laden, the World Trade Center or suicide bombers. Instead there was only talk of April 6, 1994, the first day of the state-sponsored genocide in which ethnic Hutu extremists killed 800,000 minority Tutsis and Hutu moderates. "We have our own jihad, and that is our war against ignorance between Hutu and Tutsi. It is our struggle to heal," said Saleh Habimana, the head mufti of Rwanda. "Our jihad is to start respecting each other and living as Rwandans and as Muslims." Since the genocide, Rwandans have converted to Islam in huge numbers. Muslims now make up 14 percent of the 8.2 million people here in Africa's most Catholic nation, twice as many as before the killings began. Many converts say they chose Islam because of the role that some Catholic and Protestant leaders played in the genocide. Human rights groups have documented several incidents in which Christian clerics allowed Tutsis to seek refuge in churches, then surrendered them to Hutu death squads, as well as instances of Hutu priests and ministers encouraging their congregations to kill Tutsis. Today some churches serve as memorials to the many people slaughtered among their pews. Four clergymen are facing genocide charges at the U.N.-created International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, and last year in Belgium, the former colonial power, two Rwandan nuns were convicted of murder for their roles in the massacre of 7,000 Tutsis who sought protection at a Benedictine convent. In contrast, many Muslim leaders and families are being honored for protecting and hiding those who were fleeing. Some say Muslims did this because of the religion's strong dictates