Africa

Algeria

BBC 12 March, 2002, Language victory for Algeria's Berbers Berber unrest erupted into violence last year The language spoken by Algeria's main ethnic minority, the Berbers of Kabylie, is finally to be given recognition by the state. When we speak about Tamazight, we mean the identity of the entire Algerian people Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika Tamazight will be recognised as a national language, President Abdelaziz Bouteflika announced in a speech to the nation on Tuesday. "I have decided in total freedom and with total conviction to include Tamazight in the constitution as a national language," he said. "When we speak about Tamazight, we mean the identity of the entire Algerian people. "The national character of Tamazight cannot be questioned, whether the issue relates to Tamazight as a language or to Tamazight as a culture." Boycott threat The move comes just days after Berber leaders called for a boycott of the parliamentary election in May, saying the state had failed to address the community's concerns. President Bouteflika faces pressure to reach agreement with the Berbers The authorities in Algeria have long faced unrest among the Berbers who demand recognition for their distinctive identity. Violent protests against police brutality in Kabylie last year left 60 people dead and 2,000 injured. Tamazight, which encompasses several regional dialects, is spoken mostly by Berbers and by other ethnic groups in Algeria and Morocco. Berbers are believed to make up about 17% of Algeria's population, but at present Arabic is the only official state language. Political demands While recognition of their language was a key demand of the Berber community, the protesters had many other complaints as well. The BBC's North Africa correspondent, Stephanie Irvine, reports that they have deep-rooted grievances over unemployment, bad housing and perceived abuses by security officials. Last June the protesters drew up a 15-point list of demands for improving living conditions in their poor and mountainous region, known as the "El-Kseur Platform". These include the withdrawal of the despised paramilitary gendarmes, greater democracy and accountability, and a programme to re-launch the region's economy. Only moderate Berber leaders were present at Tuesday's meeting with President Bouteflika. The other, more radical, wing of the protest movement - which commands greater popular support in Kabylie - rejected an invitation to attend the meeting, saying the 15 demands were non-negotiable. If these demands are not met in full by President Bouteflika, the radical wing of the protest movement says it will continue with its active boycott of the elections on 30 May. And it seems unlikely the demands will be met since the government has already stated that a full-scale withdrawal of the gendarmes is out of the question.

BBC 25 February, 2002, Algeria sets poll date The Algerian Government has announced that parliamentary elections are to be held on 30 May. In a cabinet statement President Abdelaziz Bouteflika said consultations would begin with political parties and other groups to ensure the poll proceeds without any irregularities. He expressed his determination to respect the sincerity of the vote and guarantee a free choice for Algerians; the last elections were marred by widespread opposition. The current Algerian National Assembly was elected in 1997 and includes representatives from secular and moderate Islamic parties. Algerian forces have been engaged in a 10-year civil war with Islamic militants which began after an Islamic party was prevented from taking power following parliamentary elections. It's estimated that more than 100,000 people have been killed in the past 10 years of violence.

Angola

IRIN 11 March 2002 Anxious Wait for Government Peace Plan Angolans waited anxiously on Monday for a promised government statement on its plan to resume peace talks with rebel movement UNITA, as the humanitarian situation in the country continued to deteriorate. Reverend Daniel Ntoni-Nzinga, executive secretary of the Inter-Ecclesiastical Committee for Peace in Angola (COIEPA), told IRIN on Monday that "we are all in standby positions, there is not any clear picture ... A promise has been made that the government is going to make a statement this week outlining its plans for the peace process". President Jose Eduardo dos Santos' office said in a statement on Friday that the president had endorsed a plan to be announced this week. AFP quoted the statement as saying that the plan included "concrete and immediate measures" and stressed the government's "availability (to consider) all signals that could contribute to a definitive peace in a spirit of openness". The past week has been characterised by confusion in Angola as reports emerged that UNITA's leadership was in tatters. In addition to long-time rebel leader Dr Jonas Savimbi's death in combat in the eastern province of Moxico on 22 February, there is an probe under way to determine whether his successor, General Antonio Dembo, has also been killed. Three of Savimbi's widows claim to have buried him after he died of starvation. "We don't know what UNITA is saying. There is no communication with the leadership since the death of its leader (Savimbi) ... Our usual channels (of communication) are very dependent on the leadership, but the leadership is in a critical stage and they can't even communicate with each other," Ntoni-Nzinga said. COIEPA has been at the forefront of civil society efforts to facilitate a ceasefire and peace talks between the government and UNITA. He said he hoped the government plan would include a "response to the humanitarian situation". "One thing that is clear is that the humanitarian situation is really, really bad ... There are more people in serious need now than we had two or three weeks ago. How it will improve depends on the capacity to respond to those needs. If we failed to respond to needs that were already there, how hard will it be to respond? We still hope we will develop the capacity," he said. Ntoni-Nzinga's comments followed UN reports last week detailing the deteriorating humanitarian situation. In a special report released on 7 March, OCHA said the situation in Angola was "deteriorating sharply". "Despite the recent death of the head of UNITA, Jonas Savimbi, military operations are ongoing. Partners estimate that if current trends continue, approximately 300,000 thousand Angolans will become newly displaced during the next six months, bringing the total number of displaced in the country to 4.6 million and increasing the current emergency caseload by nearly 25 percent. The humanitarian operation is stretched to the limit," the report said. "UN agencies and NGOs are already operating at full capacity and do not have sufficient resources to address the critical needs of additional internally displaced persons. Millions of vulnerable people are living in life-threatening conditions and more will be at serious risk if action is not taken immediately," it added. According to the report: -Displacement levels had steadily increased as a result of counter-insurgency operations and guerrilla activities - from 47,100 in November, to 48,800 in December, to 49,500 in January. -The number of children separated from their families because of sudden and disorganised displacement was increasing markedly, most notably in the provinces of Moxico, Bie, Huambo and Kwanza Sul. "Approximately 4,650 separated children were registered in 17 provinces during the last six months of 2001. Partners estimate that more than 100,000 children are currently separated from their birth families throughout the country." -In several locations with high concentrations of newly arrived internally displaced persons (IDPs), malnutrition rates among both displaced and resident communities have reached alarming levels. "In January global and severe malnutrition rates in Caconda were recorded at 20.7 and 5.3 percent among displaced children between six and 59 months of age. Among resident children of the same age, global and severe rates were recorded at 11.2 and 2.7 percent respectively." -Morbidity and mortality rates had reached "alarming levels", particularly in areas with large concentrations of displaced populations, and had been as high as 12.6 per 10,000 deaths per day among under-fives in Caconda. -More than 84,000 new IDPs were in urgent need of essential survival items and shelter in nine different locations. OCHA said conditions were most serious in the provinces of Bie, Huambo, Huila and Moxico, where tens of thousands of IDPs had poured into municipal centres in search of security and assistance in recent months. Last week the UN refugee agency UNHCR said Angolans were not reported to be crossing the borders en masse in search of safety and assistance. While local news reports said there had been no serious UNITA attacks or ambushes in the last few days, it was not clear whether remaining UNITA leaders had decided to regroup to consider their next move or whether they were indicating a willingness to cease hostilities. The government said last week it was waiting for a sign from the rebel movement that it was ready to resume negotiations over the 1994 Lusaka Peace Accord. UNITA has insisted on just such a signal from the government. According to Angolan national radio, coordinator of the government's Peace and National Reconciliation Commission and Minister of Interior, Fernando da Piedade Dias dos Santos, said on Monday that there had been "signs of good sense and moderation" from UNITA rebels in the bushes. The minister said the government had not received "all the signs expected" from UNITA's forces, but that the Angolan Armed Forces (FAA) were instructed to establish channels of communication with fighters in the field. He was reported as saying that the expected government announcement would create conditions for the cessation of hostilities, a ceasefire and then renewed talks.

Los Angelas Times 11 March 2002 COMMENTARY Angola's Jonas Savimbi Was No Freedom Fighter Times By PIERO GLEIJESES, Piero Gleijeses, a professor of U.S. foreign policy at Johns Hopkins University, is author of "Conflicting Missions: Havana, Washington and Africa, 1959-1976" (University of North Carolina Press, 2002 Friend and foe acknowledged the abilities and charisma of Jonas Savimbi, the Angolan rebel leader who was killed by government troops last month. "Savimbi is very intelligent," Lucio Lara, a senior aide to his bitter rival, Agostinho Neto, once admitted. Savimbi also never deviated from his overriding goals or principles. It is odd, however, that Americans have failed to appreciate what these goals and principles were. During Angola's war of independence against the Portuguese in 1961-1974, Savimbi was an impressive guerrilla leader, but his movement, the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola, or UNITA, was far weaker than Neto's Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola, or MPLA. In February 1972, Savimbi proposed to have his forces cooperate with the Portuguese to "eliminate" the MPLA. The Portuguese responded favorably, and for the next 18 months Savimbi was their ally. But in late 1973, Lisbon broke the agreement and attacked UNITA. And so Savimbi became known, much against his will, as a "freedom fighter," even though he was still trying to forge a new alliance with Lisbon when the Portuguese regime was overthrown in April 1974. By 1977, the story of Savimbi's betrayal of the Angolan independence movement was public knowledge in Western Europe. In 1979, the mainstream Lisbon weekly Expresso concluded: "The fact that Savimbi collaborated with the Portuguese colonial authorities has been so amply proven that no one can question it in good faith." No one, that is, but Americans. Savimbi's betrayal of the independence struggle has been overlooked in the thousands of press reports and scores of books written about Angola, and, even now, in the articles about his death. America's love story with Savimbi began in 1975, when he became our protege in the covert operation Henry Kissinger unleashed in Angola. And even earlier, he had mesmerized the South Africans. Within weeks of the collapse of the Portuguese dictatorship, Savimbi approached the white rulers in Pretoria for help in the impending civil war in Angola. If he won, he promised to maintain friendly relations with the apartheid regime. How tempting, particularly when the MPLA vowed that there would be no peace in southern Africa until apartheid had been defeated. In July 1975, with Washington's blessing, South Africa began its covert operation in Angola to support Savimbi. Yet Savimbi was not a South African puppet. He was simply being true to himself. He was a warlord whose overriding principle was absolute power, and if this required an agreement with Portuguese colonial authorities first, and then a dalliance with apartheid, so be it. In October 1975, with Washington's urging, South African troops invaded Angola. Crashing through MPLA resistance, they would have taken Luanda, the MPLA stronghold, had Fidel Castro not sent Cuban soldiers to Angola in early November. Contrary to U.S. reports of the time, Castro did so without consulting Moscow. He was no client. "He was probably the most genuine revolutionary leader then [1975] in power," Kissinger writes in his memoirs. By April 1976, the Cubans had pushed the South Africans back into Namibia, and Savimbi had resumed guerrilla war. Ronald Reagan feted him--with supreme contempt for the facts--as a freedom fighter. In 1992, the Angolan government was forced to grant free elections, which Savimbi lost. Predictably, he resumed fighting. By then, stories were appearing in the Western press about his reign of terror in territories he controlled. But this no longer mattered. The Cold War was over, and Savimbi had lost his relevance. History is usually written by the victors. They have a tendency to celebrate their good deeds and overlook the dark corners. The death of Jonas Savimbi provides an opportunity to look again at our policy in southern Africa during the Cold War and to reflect on our inability to see him for what he really was.

DR Congo

News 24 ZA 11 March 2002 DRC rebels deny massacres Nairobi - The Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD-Goma) armed opposition group has denied accusations that it or its Rwandan backers were involved in massacres and mass graves reported near the northeastern city of Kisangani in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). "These accusations are unfounded and untrue," the RCD-Goma deputy spokesman, Jean-Pierre Lola Kisanga, said on Thursday. In a statement released on Monday, the African Association for the Defence of Human Rights (Asadho) accused RCD-Goma and Rwandan soldiers of widespread massacres of civilians while fighting, or under the pretext of fighting, Congolese Mayi-Mayi militias around the DRC's third-largest city. Asadho also reported the discovery of numerous mass graves, five of which it verified the existence of. "Asadho calls upon RCD-Goma and Rwanda, in its capacity as an occupying force, to renounce the logic of reprisals against defenceless civilians, and to respect their obligations under the Geneva Conventions and the cease-fire accords signed in July 1999 in Lusaka," it stated. It also called on humanitarian agencies to come to the aid of people in the region.

Kenya

BBC 12 March, 2002, Kenyan president's last address President Moi came to power in 1978 By BBC's Muliro Telewa in Nairobi President Daniel arap Moi of Kenya has called on the country's politicians to conduct a peaceful election and avoid making outrageous and inflammatory statements which are likely to fuel tribal hatred. We must demonstrate to the world that we are one united and peaceful people Kenyan President Daniel arap Moi In his last state address to parliament before retiring later this year, Mr Moi also spoke of rampant corruption, reviving the ailing economy and the need to continue with peace initiatives in the region. He urged all leaders and political activists to pursue peace and unity for Kenya's success and prosperity. However, the opposition were not impressed with what they called the "usual rhetoric with nothing new to offer". Fresh blood "Generally, the president sounded tired. And I think it is time new managers took over the running of the country with vigour and new energies," said the leader of the Ford Kenya Party, Wamalwa Kijana. Mr Moi, who became president under the one party rule in 1978, following the demise of Kenya's first President, Jomo Kenyatta, is not allowed to run for another term under the constitution. The opposition say Kenya needs a new leader with vigour The return to multiparty democracy in 1991 witnessed politically motivated ethnic violence in central Kenya and on the Indian Ocean coast, marring the run-up to the 1992 and 1997 elections. However, recent clashes and attacks in two of Nairobi's sprawling slums, that claimed the lives of least 40 people, have raised concern that political violence has now moved to the Kenyan capital ahead of this year's elections. Poverty "We must demonstrate to the world that, although throughout this year we will be staging a lively democratic contest for national leadership, we are one united and peaceful people," Mr Moi told parliamentarians in the speech that was televised live to the nation. The 74-year-old Kenyan leader blamed poverty on high unemployment, rapid population growth and the weak performance of the economy which he said has persisted since mid-1990s. I think it is time new managers took over the running of the country with vigour and new energies Wamalwa Kijana, leader of Ford Kenya Party Mr Moi urged Kenyans to take full advantage of the African Growth and Opportunities Act - part of United States efforts aimed at increasing market access for certain African products to US businesses. Another opposition leader who came out of parliament dejected is former presidential candidate and head of the National Party of Kenya (NPK), Ms Charity Ngilu. "In his final year in office, the president is leaving Kenyans poorer than we were when he took over office," she said. Peace initiative Talking about regional peace, President Moi said that ongoing conflicts and wars in the region have also contributed to the decline of Kenya's development. Citing Somalia as an example, President Moi said the influx of guns, refugees and displaced people had "reduced the ability to engage fully in development activities with them". "In this regard, Kenya cannot feel secure in the absence of a fully-functional central authority in Somalia. Nor can the people of this region be truly at peace when some of their brothers and sisters in the region continue to suffer because of conflicts and wars." Mr Moi pledged to continue to support peace initiatives in Somalia, Sudan and the Great Lakes region.

The East African Standard (Nairobi) EDITORIAL March 9, 2002 Police Deserted Kariobangi? Ochieng' Ogodo An orgy of violence that left in its wake numerous deaths, injuries and destruction of property in the Kariobangi Massacre on March 3, puts the police on the spot. They have no way of escaping blame. The Force, created by an Act of Parliament and funded by tax-payers, owes the country an explanation. This was an army of metallic goons on the rampage and moving in large groups hacking people to death. The Mungiki sect members who perpetrated this were merchants of death and destruction that constitutes a direct affront to the rule of law. Obviously, they have no respect for the Constitution that guarantees right to life for each and every Kenyan. It is a chilling tragedy in which innocent people lost their lives. It ruthlessly deprived spouses of spousal support and children of the enduring love of parents. For about an hour, the more than 300 ruffians wielding pangas, picks, axes and machetes ran violence through Kariobangi North, wreaking havoc as they cut down anyone on site. They had a joint enterprise to murder people who had been identified. The mode of execution is explicit, Rwanda-style genocide. Two main dangers in the happening came to the fore; the irresolute way police deal with such situations and the invidious aftermath of the act. Now Mungiki has been around for sometime and on a number of occasions have, in-the-face of police, committed heinous crimes against innocent people. They have terrorised and bluntly told police they are incapable of stopping their murderous insanity. And the police have sat back and watched them take the law unto their hands. Even where they have warned of an intention to commit crime the pattern of reaction from police has been that of responding after the crime. They never move to forestall such. Alongside Mungiki, there are other bands of goons like Kamjesh that the police seem completely at a loss on how to handle. For a gang of over 300 people to move and wreak havoc in an estate in Nairobi and escape safely without the Commissioner of Police, Mr Philemon Abongo and his officers knowing, is a clear indication of a serious security lapse that leaves Kenyans vulnerable to acts of violence like the Kariobangi Massacre. In a response akin to the orgy that left scores killed in Kibera last year, the police are always late by hours. They arrived in Kariobangi when the dastardly act had been committed and 23 lives lost and bodies littered all over the place. Unashamedly, they went about beating and arresting innocent people. Why can't somebody responsible put some sense in the grey and white matter above the necks of these officers to realise those who commit such crimes do not stand and wait for police arrive. The springing up of vigilante groups in certain areas is the culmination of an inept police force that has progressively failed to guarantee security to people. It is a response to failed national security system. Instead, they threaten, intimidate and extort from Kenyans who are going about their responsibilities. Women and men they arrest in estates arriving from various missions are not criminals. Where were the police when all this was happening? Indications are that they were informed. If that assertion is true then the police committed a crime against people who sustain them and chief gatekeepers of the affairs of the force have no business donning medals of leadership. It is criminal for police to say that they could not act because they were incapable of identifying criminals and innocent people. How are they trained at Kiganjo? This is force that is always trailing criminals as if they have no intelligence unit with sensitive nose for nosing around for any trouble brewing. Police should be ahead of criminals but in almost all cases, they are beaten flat-footed and the struggle is defend the force from genuine accusations from those who pay them for protection. Always any society will have those bent on departing from accepted societal norms, including violating the rule of law and indulgence in anti-people acts. The creation of a police force is necessitated by the desire to secure peoples rights and peace against infringement by criminals. And when it comes to crime committing the force should always be in a state of emergency. When police can not protect people from gangs who revel in inflicting pain, when they can not secure their rights from infringement and when they only have to trail criminals then something is serious wrong with the organisation. Until the force is reorganised to play an effective role in protecting pole we shall still far from living in a free and civilised society.

The Nation (Nairobi) March 8, 2002 Police Blamed Over Massacre David Mugonyi Retired army generals could be brought in to instil discipline in the public service, the President announced yesterday. He blamed the police and provincial administration for failing to stop the killings at Kariobangi, and attributed the violence to selfish political interests. "No-one should blame me if he or she is sacked. I will even appoint retired army generals with good track records to areas where I want to see discipline streamlined," the President said on his arrival from Australia where he attended a Commonwealth conference. "If you are sacked don't blame me, blame your work," he added. President Moi ordered the police to crack down on illegal organisations and to ensure that no group operated above the law. He cautioned Kanu youths from engaging in violence and told the Commissioner of Police to ensure his power was felt countrywide. "I want the police presence to be felt in every part of this city and country," a clearly angry President told Police Commissioner Philemon Abong'o. He continued: "The Commissioner of Police is the one who enforces the laws passed by Parliament. There is no question of anybody elsewhere." "I don't want to hear that anyone has been hurt because Kanu has the power. Your power is peace," he said, describing the panga thugs who rampaged through the Nairobi estate as attackers as "crazy human beings" who survived on tribalism. Later at his Harambee House office, President Moi held a meeting with the heads of government security agencies at which he discussed measures to be taken to strengthen law and order throughout the country. Relative peace returned to Kariobangi North as police announced they had impounded two vehicles suspected to have been used by the attackers. Survivors and residents said the attackers had been taken to the estate in three mini-buses; one green, an other brown, and the third "indistinct." Nairobi provincial police chief Geoffrey Muathe said they had arrested the owner of two of the vehicles and detectives were pursuing crucial leads. "They are pursuing a theory that the attack was planned in Nyandarua and Ngara in Nairobi before being executed with precision and speed," he said. Detectives had established the two vehicles were last Saturday used to ferry Mungiki followers to Nyandarua for prayers, Mr Muathe told reporters at Nairobi provincial police headquarters. The killings at Kariobangi took place the next day. "Some of the people who attended the prayers are suspected to have taken part in the massacre," he said. Members of the Mungiki sect and the Taliban vigilantes based at Kariobangi were said to have been at the centre of the bloodbath in Kariobangi, when 21 people were killed Ð the toll rose when one badly injured victim died in hospital Ð and a further 31 were seriously injured after a gang of about 300 youths rampaged through the estate wielding pangas and axes. By yesterday, only 12 victims were still admitted at Kenyatta National Hospital. The rest had been discharged. The gang's targets were the vigilantes, who on Saturday were said to have hacked to death two Mungiki members in retaliation for the murder of one of the vigilantes. The youths, said by police and residents to be from Mungiki, struck back at 8.30 pm on Sunday, hacking at anyone they could find. Embakasi MP David Mwenje, Mungiki sect leader Ndura Waruinge, and Taliban vigilante group head David Peter Ochieng, were among 31 people arrested over the massacre. Mr Muathe said they would remain in police custody until investigations were complete. "We are verifying some details before we decide when they will appear in court," he said. Senior Assistant Commissioner Samuel Cheruiyot from CID headquarters has taken over investigations from Chief Inspector Daniel Mutie. Mr Cheruiyot moved to Kasarani police station on Wednesday to head the ten-man squad investigating the killings. Members of his squad have been interrogating Mr Mwenje, Mr Waruinge and Mr Ochieng. President Moi earlier on arrival said security is the heart of the nation and was not negotiable.

The Nation (Nairobi) March 8, 2002 Police Seize Vehicles Over Kariobangi Massacre Stephen Muiruri Police have impounded two vehicles suspected to have been used by the people who plotted the massacre at Kariobangi. The owner of the two Isuzu minibuses was also being held for questioning. Nairobi provincial police chief Geoffrey Muathe yesterday said detectives were pursuing crucial leads and investigations were at an advanced stage. "They pursuing a theory that the attack was planned in Nyandarua and Ngara in Nairobi before being executed with precision and speed," he said. Detectives had established the two vehicles were last Saturday used to ferry Mungiki faithful to Nyandarua for prayers, Mr Muathe told reporters at Nairobi provincial police headquarters. The killings at Kariobangi took place the next day. "Some of the people who attended the prayers are suspected to have taken part in the massacre," he said. Members of the Mungiki sect and the Taliban vigilantes based at Kariobangi were said to have been at the centre of the bloodbath in Kariobangi, when 21 people were killed Ð the toll rose when one badly injured victim died in hospital Ð and a further 31 were seriously injured after a gang of about 300 youths rampaged through the estate wielding pangas and axes. By yesterday, only 12 victims were admitted at Kenyatta National Hospital. The rest have been discharged. The gang's targets were the Taliban, who on Saturday were said to have hacked to death two Mungiki members in retaliation for the murder of one of the vigilantes. The youths, said by police and residents to be from Mungiki, struck back at 8.30 pm on Sunday, hacking at anyone they could find. Embakasi MP David Mwenje, Mungiki sect leader Ndura Waruinge, and Taliban vigilante group head David Peter Ochieng, were among 31 people being held over the Kiriobangi violence. They were arrested on Wednesday. Mr Muathe said they will remain in police custody until investigations are complete. "We are verifying some details before we decide when they will appear in court," he said. At the same time, Senior Assistant Commissioner of police Samuel Cheruiyot from CID headquarters has taken over investigations from Chief Inspector Daniel Mutie. Mr Cheruiyot moved to Kasarani police station on Wednesday to head the ten-man squad investigating the Kariobangi killings. Members of his squad have been interrogating Mr Mwenje, Mr Waruinge and Mr Ochieng. Mr Muathe said a special police squad that was formed to crackdown on members of the Mungiki sect arrested 13 people at a matatu terminus at Umoja estate at 5 am yesterday. They seized pangas, daggers, 14 rolls of bhang, snuff and a toy pistol. "The suspects were part of a 30-man gang. The others escaped when the officers pounced on the group," he said. Mr Muathe said they were part of a group that extorts money from matatu operators posing as stage managers. "They get between Sh500 and Sh1,000 from every matatu a day. They use the money to fund their illegal activities," he said. The city police boss said detectives were interrogating the seized men to establish if they were linked to the Kariobangi massacre. In another incident, police raided a house in the sprawling Kayole estate and seized six containers for carrying mortars used by the military, a toy pistol and a beret. The suspects slipped away before the police struck. "I don't know how the suspect got wind of the impending raid. We are hunting them down," Mr Mwathe said. On Wednesday, police commissioner Philemon Abong'o confirmed that Mr Mwenje and Mr Waruinge were being held for allegedly inciting the violence at Kariobangi estate. "We don't arrest anybody unless we have sufficient evidence to justify it," he said. Mr Abong'o directed all the provincial commanders to carry out intensive operations to crack down on members of all the self-styled groups including the Mungiki. Mr Waruinge was also being investigated over some remarks he allegedly made in Nyandarua on Saturday. Armed police arrived at the homes of Mr Mwenje and Mr Waruinge in Dandora and Ngong estates as dawn broke and picked them up. Mr Ochieng was arrested at Kariobangi and taken to Kasarani police station amid tight security. Mr Mwenje's lawyer, Mr Mutavi Maseki, said the MP was made to record two statements on his alleged link with Mungiki and the Kariobangi violence.

BBC 4 March, 2002 Religious sect rampages in Kenya The police have now restored order At least 20 people have been killed in a slum in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, in overnight riots. Members of a banned religious sect went on the rampage after three of their members were killed. The violence took on an ethnic dimension. The Mungiki sect is predominantly Kikuyu and they are fighting a largely ethnic Luo vigilante group, nicknamed "Taleban". The BBC's Alice Muthengi in Nairobi says that the police are now in control and the streets of the Kariobangi slum are deserted. The fighting started from 2200 and lasted until dawn local time, reports Reuters news agency. Traditions Police have confirmed 20 deaths but local residents say that many more people may have been killed. Seven people have been arrested, according to Reuters. Members of the sect attacked bars belonging to ethnic Luos with machetes, sticks and clubs. The Mungiki sect urges people to return to traditional lifestyles. The sect was banned because it advocates the practice of female circumcision, or female genital mutilation. However, correspondents say that the sect still operates widely, despite the ban. Vigilante groups have been set up in Kariobangi to deal with the high level of crime there.

Madagascar

BBC 12 March, 2002 Clashes in eastern Madagascar Both presidents claim the support of Madgascar's military By Alastair Leithead BBC Correspondent in Madagascar Violence has broken in the east of Madagascar with reports of a number of people being injured and killed in incumbent President Didier Ratsiraka's heartland, the port town of Tamatave. There has been fighting in the streets between his supporters and those backing self-declared new president Marc Ravalomanana who now controls the country's capital city. The situation is tense as reports suggest the attacks are becoming increasingly racially motivated. The violence comes as a visiting mediation group suggests the forming of national unity government to help resolve the political crisis. Worry The trouble broke out over the blockade in the port and another, 70 km (45 miles) away manned by Ratsiraka supporters, which have cut off petrol supplies to the capital. What is particularly worying is the increasing ethnic dimension to the violence, as the mainly coastal Ratsiraka supporters have threatened the Merina, or highland people living in Tamatave. Mr Ravalomanana is from the highlands. In the capital, Antananarivo, people are starting to go back to work after weeks of a general strike. Also the Organisation of African Unity contact group which has been analysing the political crisis for a week has come up with its report. It's representative from Senegal, Abdulaye Bathily, said that dialogue is vital between the two main protagonists. "We feel that it is necessary to have a government of national reconciliation. We feel that it is necessary to have a new electoral consultation with the support of the international community," he said. Crisis timeline 16 Dec - Presidential election held 7 Jan - Opposition claim rigging, begin daily protests 25 Jan - Result announced, run-off ordered 28 Jan - Opposition strike begins 22 Feb - Ravalomanana declares himself president, PM announces state of emergency 27 Feb - First violent clashes in capital 28 Feb - President imposes martial law in capital 4 Mar - Army lets Ravalomanana's 'ministers' take office 8 Mar - Defence ministry taken over, leaving only PM's office in elected government hands

BBC 8 March, 2002 Africa Media Watch As the crisis surrounding Madagascar's disputed presidency intensifies, the island's press sounds a warning note over divided loyalties within the army while remaining sceptical over any prospect of an early resolution to the conflict. The Madagascar Tribune eyes the situation nervously. "Clearly the question of legality and legitimacy no longer concerns just the two presidential candidates, but now also the army," it says. It details a dispute between two generals, one loyal to incumbent president Didier Ratsiraka and the other to rival Marc Ravalomanana, each of whom is seeking, the paper says, to assert his authority over the army. If the cannons roar, sparks will fly across the whole island Madagascar Tribune "This showdown between the two generals, and perhaps through them pro-Ravalomanana and pro-Ratsiraka officers, has people on tenterhooks." "Let's hope this standoff doesn't degenerate into a confrontation. If the cannons roar, sparks will fly across the whole island," the paper warns. L'Express de Madagascar says that while Mr Ravalomanana appears to have been successful in his bid to take over ministerial offices, he still has some way to go to persuade the army to side with him. "He must first use a great deal of influence to win over the rest of the armed forces... who are still in the other camp," it says. Illegal In a separate article, the paper views Mr Ratsiraka's attempts to hold onto power in light of the decision by provincial governors to transfer the capital to Tamatave. Didier Ratsiraka and Marc Ravalomanana are now swimming in the same boat of illegality Magistrate It quotes a magistrate as saying that "President Ratsiraka should not have resorted to the illegal means which his challenger, Marc Ravalomanana, proved to champion when he declared himself president of the republic." "According to which law have his supporters decided to transfer the capital to Tamatave?" he questions. "The constitution is very clear about the issue: Antananarivo is the capital of Madagascar." "Didier Ratsiraka can no longer pride himself in his position as the legitimate president in defending his cause according to the law," he continues. "He and Marc Ravalomanana are now swimming in the same boat of illegality." Unjustified The newspaper Midi Madagasikara says the decision to transfer the capital cannot be justified. The division in Madagascar does not help anyone Midi Madagasikara "Instead of biding their time and accelerating the transfer of powers and resources, they hurried to transfer the capital... an illegal and illegitimate decision in law." "In deciding to cluster the five provinces, the governors have also overlooked article one of section two of the constitution which provides for the unity and indivisibility as well as the integrity of the republic," it adds. The paper also describes a situation of rising tension and laments the impact of the island's fragmentation on ordinary people's lives. It quotes a letter from an official to the local governor saying that: "All foreign nations are extolling globalisation while we are heading backwards towards the division of our country." The paper says this 'distress call' is shared by local business representatives who are concerned by the threat posed to local industry by the national state of emergency and blockades at the entrance to the province's capital. "The division in Madagascar does not help anyone," the article concludes. Widespread anger A commentary in the Madagascar Tribune also sounds a critical note over the fracture lines running across the island. Neutral groups... are also opposed to this 'balkanisation' of the island. Madagascar Tribune "Regarding the transfer of Madagascar's capital to Tamatave, there has been general indignation and not only among Marc Ravalomanana's supporters," it says. "Neutral groups, such as white collar workers, intellectuals and academics, are also opposed to this 'balkanisation' of the island." And another commentary in the paper remains sceptical over whether efforts by the Organisation for African Unity (OAU) to overcome the impasse will actually amount to anything. "The OAU continues to engage in diplomatic efforts, even though it has only a little room for manoeuvre," the writer says. "It remains to be seen whether this latest OAU mission will, like the last one, return empty-handed." BBC Monitoring, based in Caversham in southern England, selects and translates information from radio, television, press, news agencies and the Internet from 150 countries in more than 70 languages.

BBC 25 February, 2002, 00:23 GMT Crisis alarms Madagascar press Does 'President' Ravalomanana court disaster? Madagascan papers have expressed alarm at the political crisis following opposition leader Marc Ravalomanana's decision to declare himself president. The independent L'Express de Madagascar says that the "jubilation of local people was quickly dampened" when and the incumbent President, Didier Ratsiraka, imposed a state of emergency. The Sword of Damocles is hanging over our heads. The press is under threat Madagascar Tribune And it expresses concern that the government could resort to "imposing an independent government in each province or instigating an ethnic war" on the multi-racial Indian Ocean island. The paper notes that Mr Ravalomanana's move has given rise to some amusement locally. "Many people are saying jokingly that Madagascar will finally develop now that it has two presidents." But the situation is really no joking matter, it continues, urging the "two presidents" to "spare the country the consequences of potential inter-ethnic clashes". Backward step? The Madagascar Tribune says the decision to impose a state of emergency "constitutes a step backwards in terms of freedom and democracy". Arrest rumours brought activists onto the streets "The Sword of Damocles is hanging over our heads. The press is under threat," it declares, adding that the state of emergency will "plunge the nation into darkness". And it blames the situation on the "obstinacy on the part of President Didier Ratsiraka's camp, which left the other party with no option but to make the extreme move". "Marc Ravalomanana's move may have gone too far, but the situation would have been resolved by resuming talks... with representatives more inclined towards consensus," the paper believes. It concludes by urging "enlightened people" to oppose the state of emergency, "which has all the characteristics of a doomed system of dictatorship". Western countries are trampling underfoot the Madagascan people's deepest hopes for change Midi Madagasikara The Midi Madagasikara likewise believes that press censorship is imminent. "The state of emergency decreed by Didier Ratsiraka gives him sweeping powers to act in any way he feels like for a renewable period of three months," it notes. It calls on readers to "do their utmost in spreading the word so that this unjust government measure... is known to all across the world in an effort to overturn it once and for all". West's disinterest? Papers are also dismayed by the apparent lack of concern shown by the West. The Midi Madagasikara criticises French, US and other Western diplomats who joined the Organisation of African Unity in condemning the unusual move taken by the opposition leader. "Western countries are trampling underfoot the Madagascan people's deepest hopes for change," an editorial in the paper says. The incumbent president is not without support The Madagascar Tribune describes the confrontation in Madagascar as "a battle which the West has never understood or has never wanted to understand". "Such a situation reduces us to the ranks of banana republics." It says that "for outsiders, the troubles of this part of the continent do not matter". "The outside world sees us as a group of poor, fragile states, when we are not the arena for bloody tribal conflicts, wedged in between the Arab world and the untypical South Africa. "As far as they are concerned, we barely make an impression, especially since we hardly represent a threat in the world," it concludes.

BBC 15 Dec 2002 Madagascar leader faces strong challenge Mr Ravalomanana's arrival has livened up politics By Johnny Donovan in Antananarivo After the apathy which greeted the 1996 Madagascar presidential election, when voter turnout reached an all-time low, this year there has been renewed interest in politics, with stadiums and meeting-grounds often hosting crowds of several thousand people. This can be partly attributed to the arrival of political newcomer Marc Ravalomanana, the mayor of Antananarivo, who has rapidly risen from the position of rank outsider to joint favourite, alongside the incumbent President Didier Ratsiraka. Admiral Ratsiraka has ruled for 23 years Admiral Ratsiraka, who on Sunday will be running for a fifth term after 23 years in office, has ruled virtually non-stop since 1975 with the exception of a three-year period in the early 1990s, when he was replaced by Albert Zafy. In the 1970s and 80s, Mr Ratsiraka severed ties with the West as part of an attempt to bring socialism to Madagascar. But he is now a staunch supporter of economic liberalism, and has made stability and continuity the watchwords for his current election campaign. However, the 67-year-old who was once fondly nicknamed Deba - the Malagasy word for big man - is rumoured to be in poor health, often relying on his aides to help him move to and from political meetings during the recent campaign. Rags to riches Members of the ruling party Arema currently occupy the vast majority of senior positions in the country's administration - a matter of concern for the opposition which claims that, in spite of democratic elections, the president is too well entrenched to be removed. Independent candidate Marc Ravalomanana, a self-made multi-millionaire whose business empire includes a monopoly on the sale of all oil and dairy products on the vast island, has been capturing hearts with his lavish economic promises to rebuild the Malagasy economy. Mr Ravalomanana is a political newcomer From a family of modest means, the 52-year-old is currently the owner of the largest non-foreign owned company in Madagascar and, for many of his supporters, he is the epitome of the rags to riches story. Since becoming mayor in 1998, he has earned himself a reputation as something of a maverick. While he is currently riding high on a surge of popular support for his "Vote for change" campaign, many Antananarivians have not forgotten last year's brutal evictions in the poorest districts of the capital as part of his attempts to clean up the city. Ethnic split Recent criticism surrounding Mr Ravalomanana's non-payment of taxes has cast a shadow over his self-styled image of a by-the-book businessman who will bring economic progress to the island. An ultra-strict Protestant with dubious political credentials, many fear that if he is successful in Sunday's elections he will rule with an iron fist. However there is an ethnic dimension to the current election. Following a bloody struggle in the late 18th century, the Merina tribe of the central highlands conquered the country. Since then politicians from both camps have accentuated tensions between the predominantly African people of the coastal regions and the inhabitants of the central highlands who are more Melanesian in origin and today occupy many of the most important positions in the administration. President Ratsiraka has switched from socialism to liberalism If Mr Ravalomanana wins, it will have been the first time since independence in 1960 that a president hailing from the country's central highlands is elected. Other candidates include Harizo Razafimahaleo, businessman and leader of the country's second largest political party, Leader-Fanillo, who is making his second bid for the presidency, and ex-President Professor Zafy Albert, impeached in 1995 for violating the constitution. The two remaining candidates, Pastor Daniel Rajakoba and businessman Patrick Rajaonary, are only expected to win around 2% of the vote between them. Back-biting The last two weeks' election campaigning have been generally marked by a lack of attention to the island's main concerns which include increasing rural insecurity, poor infrastructure and foreign investor confidence. Instead, the contest has focused much more on the personalities and the private lives of the individual candidates, often leading to a climate of political back-biting. The four outsiders complain that Didier Ratsiraka and Marc Ravalomanana enjoy greater access to the capital and argue that campaigning has become a contest of gift-giving, devoid of political significance. Madagascar's enormous size together with its weak infrastructure, especially its lack of decent roads, mean many of the ballot boxes will have to be transported long distances by foot before being counted. Consequently, the final result is only expected to be known in around a month's time.

Nigeria

IRIN 11 March 2002 40 die in southeast clashes over land LAGOS, 11 Mar 2002 (IRIN) - At least 40 people died in clashes over ownership of agricultural land that erupted last week between two communities in Nigeria’s southeastern Cross River State, police authorities said. Joseph Eze, a police spokesman, told journalists on Friday at Calabar, the Cross River capital, the fighting was between the Apiapum and Ufatura communities in the Obubra local council. He said worth five billion naira (US $43.8 million) were lost, in addition to the people killed. He said the police had, so far, arrested 559 people and were still on the trail of a number of others considered masterminds of the clashes. "The police have launched a manhunt for a retired army officer who allegedly conveyed armed youths and ammunitions in his vehicle," Eze said. The police command in the area has called on victims of the clashes, many of whom are said to be traders based at Apiapum, to provide information on their losses. Police officials said contingents of anti-riot police have been deployed in the area to maintain peace and the situation was now under control. Nigeria has been wracked by many incidents of communal clashes over ethnic, religious or land disputes since President Olusegun Obasanjo was elected in 1999 to end more than 15 years of military rule in the country of 120 million people. Government officials have sometimes blamed the disturbances, which have claimed several thousand lives, on former military officers said to be undermining democracy.

This Day (Lagos) 3 Mar 2002 Judge Orders Soldiers Out of Benue, Daniel Ior Makurdi The long drawn battle against military occupation of some parts of Benue state which reached a crescendo with a court action has been put to rest. The Federal High Court sitting in Makurdi ordered the immediate withdrawal of the soldiers by the federal government. The court, presided over by Justice Asuquo Edet also described the deployment of the soldiers to the affected areas as an "exercise of irresponsibility in governance." For an excerpt from the Africa 2002 guidebook, click here. (Adode Acrobat). To buy the book, click here. Delivering judgement in the motion on notice filed on behalf of Dr. Alexander Gaadi, by a Makurdi based legal practitioner Ocha Ulegede, Justice Edet described the deployment of soldiers to Benue State following the alleged killing of 19 soldiers in Benue State as "an act of genocide and governmental irresponsibility." To arrive at that ruling, Justice Edet agreed with the submission of counsel to the plaintiff that the killing of 19 soldiers used to defend the deployment of more troops leading to the killing of hundreds of Tiv people as a civil crime which could have been handled by the police "not soldiers who were acting as if they were prosecuting an international war." The judge cited sections 4 (1) and section 4 cap (2) of the Army and police acts the judge said the roles of both the Army and the police were clearly spelt out in law and therefore, the deployment of the soldiers to the areas was in contravention of the code for such an exercise. According to him, when it was reported that 19 soldiers had been killed "it became wise for the withdrawal of the soldiers and their replacement with the police to be affected." The deployment of more soldiers therefore became "an act of executive irresponsibility in governance."

Rwanda

The East African (Nairobi) March 11, 2002 Kigali Murder Suspect Flees to Cameroon Faustine Rwambali ONE OF the most wanted Rwandese genocide suspects, Jean-Baptiste Gatete, is now said to be living in Cameroon after running from country to country and changing identities as he moved on to avoid being caught. Gatete is listed by Arusha-based International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) as genocidaire number 382 and "a most wanted suspect" who took part in the 1994 mass murder in Rwanda, which claimed over a million claimed the lives Tutsis and moderate Hutus. The other two most wanted suspects now in police custody at the Arusha special prison for genocide suspects are Sylivestre Gacumbitsi, the former Mayor of Rusumo, Kibungo, and Vincent Rutaganira, the former Kibuye Member of Parliament. A diplomatic source said in Dar that Gatete was in Cameroon after fleeing from a Tanzania refugee camp to the Sychelles. However, fearing that he would be identified and arrested there, he went on to Cameroon, where he is said to be posing as a teacher and preacher. Gatete is "accused of organising and chairing the meeting on the night of April 6, in which the crucial decisions about genocide in Murambi were taken. He also incited the killings at Gakoni on the night of April 6, 1994." He is also accused of "arming the Interahamwe in Murambi, providing them with transport and encouraging them to kill the minority Tutsi, working closely with the military and civilians, who were involved in the genocide in Murambi and Kibungo." It is claimed that he also forcibly moved 150 refugees from the orphanage in Gakoni to the Parish of Kiziguro on April 9, two days later they were killed in a massacre that he planned and implemented. Gatete is further accused of "transporting soldiers and militiamen to the Parish of Kizuguro in Murambi on April 9, to kill more than 2,000 displaced refugees, and it is said he usually stood by while his fellow countrymen and their families were killed by the militiamen." The African Rights report also accuses Gatete, in co-operation with the bourgmestre of Kayonza, the head in Rwamagana and head of the military detachment in Kayonza of planning and directing the massacre of more than 4,000 Tutsi refugees at the parish of Mukarange in Muhazi on April 11-12, 1994. "He was physically present at the scene," the report says. Gatete is also alleged to have encouraged the militiamen in Rukira commune to murder Tutsi women, children and elderly people, and to set up roadblocks along the way the communes of Kibungo on the Tanzania border, where the militias murdered people. Gatete was born in 1951 in Karambo cellule, Rwankuba sector in Murambi. He is the son of Nzabonariba and Mukarubibi and attended his primary and post-primary school in Byumba and went to secondary school at Saint Andre College in Nyamirambo. He then went to Belgium at the University of Louvain La Neuve and graduated as an agricultural engineer. The other two suspects now in Arusha, Gacumbitsi and Rutaganira, are now scheduled to appear before the ICTR to face genocide charges. Rutaganira, 62, was arrested in one of the refugees camps in Kigoma, Tanzania, recently. He was Member of Parliament for Kibuye constituency. He faces seven counts in connection with the genocide. According to one human-rights group based in London, African Rights, which specialises in tracking down the perpetrators of the Rwanda 1994 genocide, Gatete, the former mayor of Murambi lived at liberty in Tanzania before serious tracking began. Gacumbitsi fled to Benaco refugee camp, Ngara district in Tanzania in April 1994 after the massacre of over 4,000 people at the Catholic Parish of Nyarubhuye, Kibungo.

VOA 2 March 2002 Could Rwanda's 1994 Genocide Have Been Prevented? Michael Leland Beloit, Wisconsin 2 Mar 2002 12:45 UTC Listen to Michael Leland's Report from Beloit, Wisconsin (RealAudio) Leland Report - Download 514k (RealAudio) It has been nearly eight years since genocide in Rwanda left an estimated 800,000 ethnic Tutsi civilians dead. United Nations officials continue their tribunal to bring those responsible to justice, and a debate continues over whether the massacre could have been prevented. Several human rights scholars and international aid officials recently met at a small college in the Midwestern United States to discuss the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, and whether international intervention would have made a difference. The killing began in April of 1994, after a plane carrying the presidents of Rwanda and Burundi was shot down, killing both men. Many believed the plane was shot down by ethnic Hutus who opposed a proposed power-sharing arrangement in Rwanda with the country's ethnic Tutsi minority. Within days, a systematic slaughter of Tutsis began throughout the country. Evidence has shown the Hutu government at the time planned the slaughter. Alison des Forges of the group Human Rights Watch, says there was opposition to the killing at first. "There were areas where people said, 'No, we are not going to kill our Tutsi neighbors.' But after two weeks, particularly after clear signals that the international community would do absolutely nothing, it was clear from the start there would be no interference from the international community and therefore the people who had begun organizing the genocide were able to carry it further into the country," she explains. Ms. des Forges was speaking at a discussion titled, "Genocide and Intervention," held recently at Beloit College in the state of Wisconsin. Speakers on the panel pointed out that the international community has been criticized for not trying to stop the killing. Samantha Power of the Carr Center for Human Rights at Harvard University says at the time, there seemed to be few voices in the United States calling for action in Rwanda. "There was no Congressional Black Caucus hunger strike on behalf of Africans as there had been on behalf of Haiti. There were no editorials as there had been in the New York Times and Washington Post on behalf of Bosnia. There was no apparent domestic constituency," she notes. In response to the genocide, Tutsi rebels went to war against the Hutu government, driving it from power in a little more than three months. More than 1.5 million Hutu refugees fled to neighboring Tanzania and what was then known as Zaire, now Congo. Alain Destexhe is a Belgian senator who worked for the aid group Doctors without Borders at the time. He says his organization began helping the Hutus in the refugee camps, but withdrew from the region when it became clear that Hutu militiamen were using the camps as a base for guerilla warfare in Rwanda. "We were convinced that we were doing more harm than good. We were convinced that by working in those camps, we were allowing, in a way, the genocide to continue," Mr. Destexhe says. Mr. Destexhe says that is one of the problems faced by aid workers in such situations, that helping those truly in need can also mean helping those contributing to the humanitarian crisis. He says aid groups have to make a lot of noise in situations like that, in hopes of getting other countries involved in stopping the crisis. But Alan Kuperman of the University of Southern California's School of International Studies, says international intervention might have saved only 25 percent of the 800,000 Tutsis killed. He says it would have taken weeks for troops and supplies from other countries to arrive in Rwanda. "A policy of intervening after you know about genocide is a failed policy, certainly in this case. What you need to do is concentrate on preventing the outbreak of such conflict through better diplomacy," Mr. Kuperman says. He says better monitoring of potential trouble spots could make it easier to recognize the need to send in peacekeepers to prevent widespread violence. But Alain Destexhe says he fears the United States-led war on terrorism could meaneven less attention is paid to ethnic conflicts around the world.

Sierra Leone

IRIN 12 March 2002 Former rebel leader in court again ABIDJAN, 12 Mar 2002 (IRIN) - Former rebel leader Foday Sankoh appeared briefly again in court in the capital, Freetown, on Monday on murder charges, news organisations reported. He was first charged on 4 March, the first time he had been seen in public since his detention nearly two years ago. Sankoh, who led the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) during its 10-year fight against the government, and dozens of former RUF rebels are facing charges of murder and related offences. The case has been adjourned until 18 March to allow time for one of the defence lawyers to get a license allowing him to practice law in Sierra Leone, news organisations said. The head of Sankoh's six-strong defence team, Nigerian lawyer Edo Okanya, said he believed he had nothing to fear from representing the former rebel, the BBC reported. Okanya is due to be joined by five other Commonwealth lawyers, one from Ghana, two from South Africa and two from Britain. Sierra Leone's attorney-general Solomon Berewa, told the court that Sankoh, who is reportedly frail, would be allowed to see a private doctor even though he had been regularly seen by medical personnel provided by the government, the BBC reported. The charges Sankoh faces relate to an incident outside his house in May 2000, when his bodyguards opened fire on demonstrators outside killing at least 20 people. Also appearing in court were members of the former West Side Boys militia who were charged with rape, murder and robbery, the BBC reported. That case was also adjourned until next week.

BBC 11 March, 2002, Sankoh murder trial begins Foday Sankoh (right) was arrested in May last year By Tom McKinley BBC Freetown correspondent Sierra Leone rebel leader Foday Sankoh and 49 members of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) have appeared in court to answer charges of murder. The charges were brought last week, after a state of emergency enabling the government to detain the accused without trial was lifted. Most of the civil war's atrocities will be dealt with by a United Nations special court. But this case relates to an incident in May 2000, when Mr Sankoh supporters allegedly killed 21 protesters after a peace deal had been signed. Clash concerns Foday Sankoh arrived in court amid tight security and much apprehension. The RUF adopted ruthless methods such as amputation during civil war There were concerns that former members of the RUF might clash with pro-government supporters. But the court was cordoned off by armed police and everything went smoothly. The main defendant looked frail and bemused as he stood in the dock with his RUF colleagues. Looking at this dreadlocked figure, slumped against the wall, it was hard to believe that this is a man who bears much responsibility for 10 years of bloody civil war in Sierra Leone. After their handcuffs were removed, the accused stood and listened as the attorney general asked the court for an adjournment. This was necessary, he said, because the accused had requested legal representation and Sankoh had asked to see a doctor of his own choice. Peace process Perhaps the most dramatic event took place when Sankoh was led out of court. His RUF colleagues began chanting for peace and sang "Halleluiah, praise our God". Speaking in public for the first time in almost two years, Sankoh turned to a reporter and said: "My only concern is that Freetown is not safe". It is not clear whether this was a veiled threat or a feeling of personal insecurity, but the comments will certainly raise questions as to whether Sierra Leone's peace process is still on course.

Sudan

BBC 12 March, 2002, Monitors set for Sudan Sudan's rebels are seeking autonomy for the south The United States has given details of plans to deploy international monitors in Sudan, to ensure compliance with a ceasefire agreed by the government and the SPLA rebel movement in January. US State Department spokesman Richard Boucher said a team of 15 monitors, together with support staff, would be led by a Norwegian officer, and would be deployed in the Nuba mountains for an initial period of six months. Some two million people have died in the 19-year civil war between the government in Khartoum and southern rebels. The Nuba Mountains - one of the hardest hit areas - have been fought for by both the government and rebels of the Sudan People's Liberation Army. Mediation efforts Mr Boucher said the SPLA leader, John Garang, would be meeting US officials in Washington this week. The Sudanese government committed itself at the weekend to a US-sponsored plan aimed at reducing attacks on civilians, following several attacks on villages in the south. Both the ceasefire and the agreement to protect civilians are part of a peace initiative led by former US Senator John Danforth. Washington's mediation efforts were suspended last month after the Sudanese Government bombed civilians at a humanitarian relief point.

IRIN 12 March 2002 US gets agreement on attacks against civilians - The helicopter gunship attack on Bieh drew widespread condemnation. The Sudanese government said it was a tragic mistake. NAIROBI, 12 Mar 2002 (IRIN) - The United States says it has secured agreement from the government of Sudan and southern rebels to ensure the protection of civilians against military attack. "We now have an agreement... that will permit, we hope, more secure humanitarian activity in Sudan, and allow discussions on the way forward in the peace process," the State Department spokesman, Richard Boucher, said at a press briefing on Monday. According to Boucher, agreement was reached with the Sudanese government last week, and the deal was endorsed by the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) over the weekend. The agreement is to be monitored by two teams of monitors: one, for the north, in Khartoum, and the other in southern Sudan, probably near the SPLM/A base in the town of Rumbek, Lakes (Buhayrat) State, United Press International (UPI) quoted State Department officials as saying. "The Sudanese government has agreed to an international monitoring mechanism to assure that the agreement is complied with, and that will go forward as well," Boucher said. The agreement opens the way for the US to resume peace discussions with Khartoum, which Washington suspended in February following an attack by a government of Sudan helicopter gunship on a relief centre at the village of Bieh, western Upper Nile (Wahdah, or Unity State), in which at least 24 people were killed (more than 47 met their deaths, according to some reports). The Sudanese government had offered an explanation and apology for the attack, and efforts were now being made to prevent similar incidents, according to Boucher. He said last week that the US had received a letter from Sudanese Foreign Minister Mustafa Uthman Isma'il in which the Sudanese government acknowledged the tragedy at Bieh, and indicated concrete steps it intended to take to ensure there was no repeat - "including moving the approval process for all military flights to the Khartoum military command". An undertaking to end attacks on civilians was one of four confidence-building measures proposed by the US peace envoy to Sudan, John Danforth, in November. The other three concerned: the creation of zones and times of tranquillity (throughout Sudan) in which humanitarian assistance could be offered to vulnerable populations; an end to the taking of slaves; and an internationally monitored cease-fire in the Nuba Mountains region of south-central Sudan. Bringing an end to attacks on civilians has proved to be the most contentious of Danforth's proposals, with the Sudanese government saying it would only end such attacks if the rebel SPLM/A suspended its own military activity. The rebel movement has repeatedly indicated its unwillingness to accept a global cease-fire in the absence of a comprehensive peace settlement. According to the Sudanese government, the scope of the US proposal has now been widened to include all forms of attacks on civilians by both the government and rebels (rather than focusing on aerial bombing, carried out by government forces). "The proposal is a comprehensive one that covers protection from war-related harm, of not only civilians but also civilian installations and other civilian aspects," AFP news agency on Sunday quoted Sudanese Foreign Ministry Under-Secretary Mutrif Siddiq as saying. According to Boucher, the agreement on attacks on civilians meant the Sudanese government was now making progress on all four of Danforth's proposals. "It is the fourth point that he [Danforth] was looking for agreement on. So that completes his initial effort to get an agreement on those four points and to monitor their implementation," Boucher said.

SUDAN: Church groups urge action on "three key issues" NAIROBI, 11 Mar 2002 (IRIN) - Delegates at last week's Sudan Ecumenical Forum in the UK capital, London, warned on Thursday that any peace settlement in Sudan "must be just and lasting and not a quick-fix solution". Delegates called for pressure on the government of Sudan to put an end to bombings and other attacks on civilians, a suspension of oil production, and recognition of the right to self-determination of the southern Sudanese and other marginalised people in Sudan, according to the Catholic Agency for Overseas Development (CAFOD). "There are currently the conditions to achieve a peace deal in Sudan and no reason why we should not try," Clare Short, British Secretary of State for International Development, told delegates. "It is fantastically important that we try to end this war," CAFOD quoted her as saying. The conference, from 4 to 6 March, brought together religious leaders from Sudan and their worldwide church partners in an effort to promote dialogue and "find solutions to the problems that lie at the heart of Sudan's conflict", according to Christian Aid, CAFOD and Tearfund, co-sponsors of the event. The forum was an effort to ensure that the voice of southern Sudanese civil society is heard more clearly, according to the three charities. "Any peace agreement that is reached without taking into account the views of the ordinary people will not be sustainable," said Rob Rees, CAFOD programme officer for Sudan. Attacks on civilians, oil production and self-determination were the "three key issues" raised at the meeting, with delegates making it clear that the UK Government and international partners must address these if a just and lasting peace were to be achieved, Christian Aid reported. Firstly, it said, the churches of southern Sudan had systematically documented bomb attacks on civilians by the government of Sudan since 1999, and recent reports had revealed an increase in attacks on civilians using helicopter gunships. Delegates had also confirmed the Sudanese churches' position that "oil exploration must be suspended until there is a just and sustainable peace and agreement has been reached for the equitable sharing of resources," the nongovernmental organisation stated. Research, particularly in the last two years, had shown that the oil business had aggravated the suffering of civilians, especially in oil-producing areas, it said. Thirdly, the Sudanese church delegates called on all their political leaders "to ensure that any peace settlement includes the rights of the southern Sudanese and other marginalised people to determine for themselves how they should be governed", according to Christian Aid. Delegates at the London forum also reaffirmed the churches' position that slavery and abduction were the result of the ongoing Sudanese conflict, and must therefore be ended through a political settlement, CAFOD reported.

AFP 11 Mar 2002 -- Ugandan troops redeployed inside Sudan KAMPALA, March 11 (AFP) - Uganda has redeployed troops inside Sudan to counter a new attack by the rebel Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in an operation being overseen by President Yoweri Museveni, a Ugandan army spokesman said Monday. The spokesman, Major Shaban Bantariza, told AFP that Ugandan units were patrolling a sprawling area along the Uganda-Sudan border in pursuit of what he said was "a mobile enemy which moves in small groups." "They (the LRA) have been moving from east to west along the border and vice versa in an apparent attempt to re-enter Uganda, either through West Nile or Kidepo National Park," Bantariza said. Museveni, himself an army lieutenant general, is at the border to assess the security situation and give a morale boost to his fighters, the spokesman said. Without giving the exact figure inside Sudan, Bantariza said that up to two battalions had been deployed, with some of the soldiers camped inside Uganda waiting to reinforce those across the border patrolling areas in southern Sudan, in case the need arises. A battalion in Uganda comprises between 600 to 800 soldiers. "I cannot tell you which parts of Sudan they are patrolling, but for sure we have troops inside Sudan," Bantariza added. The troops face hundreds of rebels commanded by Museveni's long-time nemesis Joseph Kony, leader of the LRA. Uganda military sources say that although Kony has lost the key support of the Sudanese government, a militia organisation calling itself the Equatoria Defence Force (EDF), which is also armed by Khartoum to fight the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) of Colonel John Garang, had become the LRA's main backer. The SPLA has been fighting Khartoum since 1983 to end domination of mainly Christian and animist southern Sudan by the Arabised, Muslim north. Uganda's current military operations inside Sudan seem to have the blessings of Khartoum, whose relationship with Kampala has lately thawed. Last week, Ugandan Defence Minister Amama Mbabazi said Kampala and Khartoum were in talks to find ways to handle the instability in the two countries. The Ugandan deployment follows an attack on Agoro in Lamwo county of Kitgum district, some 430 kilometres (268 miles) north of Kampala on February 23, during which three people were killed, including a government soldier. The Ugandan army pursued the rebels into Sudan, killing 80 of them. It also rescued 80 abducted civilians. The army lost three soldiers, including a senior officer, in the battles before returning to Uganda on March 4.

IRIN 28 Feb 2002 Focus on oil-related clashes in western Upper Nile NAIROBI, 28 Feb 2002 (IRIN) - A recent escalation in military activity in western Upper Nile (Wahdah, or Unity State) could be due to a major government offensive to gain control of oil production areas, according to humanitarian sources. "An offensive which started around November has been increased in the last few weeks. We have reports that troops have come in from Kassala [in eastern Sudan] and from the Nuba Mountains [in Southern Kordofan, south-central Sudan] following the cease-fire agreement there," aid workers told IRIN on Tuesday. Following a helicopter gunship attack on a relief centre at the village of Bieh on 20 February, in which at least 24 people were reportedly killed, the US government announced it was suspending peace discussions with Khartoum until a satisfactory explanation was offered. The incident at Bieh was the second clearly verified air attack on civilian targets in the oil-rich region in February. The village of Nimne, also in western Upper Nile, was bombed by government aircraft on 9 February, killing five civilians, including an employee of the international health organisation Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF). Apart from the attacks at Bieh and Nimne, there had been reports of increased government activity in civilian areas, with helicopter gunships reportedly flying low over villages, sources said. A "massive increase" in attacks originating in Bentiu, the main government garrison town in the area - and capital of western Upper Nile/Unity State - had been observed, with a number of bombing raids by government Antonov aircraft being launched from there, they added. The government of Sudan, for its part, has expressed concern that the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), rather than pushing for peace, was "actually intensifying its acts of sabotage and military operations in areas of oil production." To that end, it said, the rebel movement had "declared Unity State in southern Sudan as a military operations area." The government stated, in a Foreign Ministry press release, that it was defending the sovereignty of the state and its citizens in the light of "imposed military aggression by the other party to the conflict." In those circumstances, although it was government policy to ensure that civilians were not targets in areas of conflict, "unforeseen casualties happen to innocent civilians", the statement said. Khartoum reaffirmed its commitment "to achieve a peaceful and just settlement of the conflict in southern Sudan" and called on the international community to pressure the SPLM/A into halting "the current, unjustified escalation of military operations." The apparent increase in government-sponsored military actions appeared to be linked to the signing of a merger agreement in January between the two largest rebel groups active in southern Sudan - the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) and the Sudan People's Defence Forces (SPDF). At the time of that agreement, the Sudanese government described the merger as a "negative step", saying it could adversely affect the country's peace process. Prior to the merger, SPLA and SPDF forces had often been in conflict in western Upper Nile, with the SPDF suspected of working with government forces to secure oil production sites against SPLA attack, according to regional analysts. Hostilities between the two rebel groups in western Upper Nile appeared to have ended in February, however, when the local SPLA commander, Peter Gadet, and his SPDF counterpart, Peter Par, signed a local-level agreement in the village of Koch to implement the merger. This resulted in the government suddenly losing a useful lever with which to control the area, analysts said. "There has been a change of tactic [by the government] following the SPLA-SPDF agreement. All areas in the region are now perceived to be rebel-held areas," according to humanitarian sources. "They [the government] have been worried since the SPLM and SPDF merged," SPLM/A spokesman Samson Kwaje told IRIN on Tuesday. "They are the ones that have mounted the offensive." Some analysts say the merger could have serious implications for the oil industry in Sudan, with several rebel factions regarding attacks on the oil infrastructure in western Upper Nile as a priority. SPLM/A leader John Garang has repeatedly claimed that the oil installations are "legitimate targets" in Sudan's 19-year civil war. The Swedish oil company Lundin Petroleum AB announced in January the suspension of its operations in oil concession area Block 5a "as a precautionary measure to ensure maximum security for its personnel and operation", as a result of the deterioration of security levels in the area. The government has held that the attacks on Bieh and Nimne were unfortunate mistakes stemming from its response to rebel attacks. It has also claimed that rebel forces, and not the government, were responsible for targeting civilians. "The [SPLA-SPDF] alliance has targeted our armed forces, which have been performing their duty of protecting the oil," the Sudanese army said in a statement reported on Republic of Sudan Radio on 21 February. The SPLA-SPDF alliance had also been responsible for "targeting civilians working in the area of development and growth of Unity State", it added. According to analysts, however, government forces could be aiming to secure the main road running from the town of Bentiu, a government-held oil producing centre, south to the government garrison town of Leer (Ler, 8.18 N 30.08 E), in order to facilitate access to oil concession block 5a. SPLA Commander Peter Gadet's forces had reportedly repulsed several attempts by the government to advance out of Bentiu down the "oil road", according to humanitarian sources. "There is an ever-increasing offensive to open the road to Leer. We have reports of lots of tanks and other armoured vehicles moving in the area," they said. An escalation of fighting would exacerbate the problems faced by thousands of displaced people in western Upper Nile, informed relief workers told IRIN this week. As many as 50,000 civilians could be expected to flee south from Bieh, Leer, Koch, Duar, Nhial Diu and Mankien Payam districts, they said. The Sudanese government on 23 February claimed to have captured the airstrip situated at Nhial Diu, some 40 km southwest of Bentiu. "After continuous fierce fighting in Wahdah (Unity) State, the army and militia were able to take control of the main base of the rebels, and occupied the airport at Nhial Diu," AFP quoted army spokesman General Muhammad Bashir Sulayman as saying. Samson Kwaje told IRIN on Monday that he could neither confirm nor deny the government's claims. Many civilians had sought sanctuary at Nhial Diu following previous outbreaks of fighting in western Upper Nile, humanitarian sources reported. As a result of renewed government offensives, they were now being pushed further afield; there was now a danger they could be forced into Bahr al-Ghazal, possibly putting pressure on Dinka communities there at a time when food security was "precarious" following a modest harvest. The US government, through its peace envoy, John Danforth, has been attempting to build confidence in the Sudanese peace process with four specific measures, including a proposal to deploy independent monitors to help protect civilians from attack. According to Danforth, however, the Bieh helicopter gunship attack took place despite indications by the Sudanese government last week that it would accept an international mechanism to verify the protection of civilians in the Sudanese civil war. Danforth is expected to submit a report to US President George W Bush within the next few weeks on the feasibility of Washington taking an active role in efforts to end Sudan's 19-year civil war. However, the Sudanese army statement of 21 February appeared to offer little hope for an end to fighting in western Upper Nile. "We would like to warn civilians and other organisations to stay away from the region of the current military operations to preserve their souls and property," it said.

Tanzania

Internews (Arusha) 6 March 2002 Genocide Suspect Joseph Kanyabashi Watched 2500 Refugees Killed, Witness Claims Sukhdev Chhatbar Arusha Genocide suspect Joseph Kanyabashi watched a group of attackers surround and kill 2500 refugees in Kabakobwa, Butare Province, during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, a witness today claimed before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). The witness -- identified only as "FAM" - is testifying mainly against Kanyabashi, a former mayor of Ngoma commune in Butare. Kanyabashi is one of the six defendants in the so-called "Butare Trial." FAM, the seventh prosecution witness since the trial began in June 2001, testified that the refugees gathered at Kabakobwa to escape attacks that began after unknown assailants shot down a plane carrying Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana on 6 April 1994. "Kanyabashi was standing by a vehicle observing the killings," the witness alleged, adding that he was one of the attackers. FAM is a detainee awaiting sentencing in Rwanda for his role in the genocide. The witness told the court that Kanyabashi, Alphonse Nteziryayo, former governor of Butare and another man named Muvunyi, directed him and other attackers to arm themselves with machetes, clubs and other traditional weapons and go to Kabakobwa. Nteziryayo is one of the Butare six. Led by prosecution attorney Jonathan Moses of New Zealand, FAM testified: "We were told to dress in banana leaves and to paint the lower part of our bodies in white and the upper parts in black before the attack." FAM claimed that on reaching Kabakokwa, he saw a huge crowd surrounded by the soldiers and para-military police. "On reaching there, they [the soldiers and the police] asked us to attack the refugees two minutes later, the soldiers opened fire on the crowd." "We prevented those escaping the shooting with our machetes and traditional weapons," FAM stressed. Kanyabashi also ordered the setting up of roadblocks in April 1994 in Ngoma, FAM claimed. During proceedings in the morning, the fifth prosecution witness - - identified only as "TO" -- completed his testimony. He claimed that genocide suspect Elie Ndayambaje told a meeting in Muganza commune that he would co-operate to wipe out the "enemy," meaning ethnic Tutsi. The Butare Trial is the largest before the ICTR. The six are: Pauline Nyiramasuhuko, a former Rwandan minister for family and women's affairs; Nyiramasuhuko's son Arsene Ntahobali, a former militia leader; Elie Ndayambaje, a former mayor of Muganza commune; Alphonse Nteziryayo, a former governor of Butare; Joseph Kanyabashi, a former mayor of Ngoma commune and Sylvain Nsabimana, a former Butare governor. All six d have denied charges of genocide and crimes against humanity. They allegedly committed the crimes in Butare Province, southwestern Rwanda. Nyiramasuhuko is the only woman indicted by the ICTR. The trial is held before Trial Chamber II of the ICTR, comprising Judges William Sekule of Tanzania (presiding), Winston Matanzima Maqutu of Lesotho and Arlette Ramaroson of Madagascar.

Internews (Arusha) March 8, 2002 FBI Agent Made Copies of RTLM Tapes, Witness Says Mary Kimani Arusha Kaiser Rizvi, a former investigator at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), today testified that an FBI agent made copies of Radio Television Libre Des Mille Collines (RTLM) tapes in September 1994 as part of a US investigation on the genocide in Rwanda. Rizvi submitted copies of the tapes during his testimony. Rizvi was a member of the Bangladesh contingent in the UN Assistance Mission in Rwanda (UNAMIR). As an ICTR investigator, he was in charge of collecting RTLM tapes for use by the prosecution in the so-called "Media Trial." Rizvi left the tribunal for a new post in the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). He is testifying as the 41st prosecution witness against Ferdinand Nahimana and Jean Bosco Barayagwiza, founding members of RTLM; and Hassan Ngeze, the editor of an alleged Hutu extremist newspaper, 'Kangura.' The three have denied using their respective media to incite ethnic Hutu to kill ethnic Tutsi. Rizvi gave evidence about the chain of custody of the 345 copies of RTLM tapes that the prosecution intends to present in court. The former ICTR investigator told the court that a number of the tapes were made available to the ICTR by the US State Department. Rizvi stated that the FBI agent named Denise Minor received the tapes from Hose Niyibizi, a Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) archivist operating from the Rwanda Information Office (ORINFOR). Rizvi also tendered other copies of RTLM tapes collected from people who allegedly recorded them from the RPF secretariat's archive. The tapes form the bulk of the evidence that the prosecution is bringing against Nahimana, Barayagwiza and Ngeze. Challenging the admission of the tapes, John Floyd of the US, lead counsel for Ngeze, argued that Rizvi is in no position to testify about the tapes' chain of custody as he is relying on hearsay regarding who recorded the tapes. "The real question is who recorded the tapes, whether they are edited; if they were made continuously or regularly what he is saying is irrelevant," Floyd protested. The judges admitted into evidence the tapes received from the US State Department, saying there was reliable information on how they were collected. The court also accepted other tapes collected from sources whose background was not given, on condition that the prosecution later produces additional evidence to prove the chain of custody. The trial is held before Trial Chamber I of the ICTR, comprising Judges Navanethem Pillay of South Africa (presiding), Erik Mose of Norway and Asoka De Zoysa Gunawardana of Sri Lanka.

NYT 3 Mar 2002 Trial Centers on Role of Press During Rwanda Massacre By MARLISE SIMONS ARUSHA, Tanzania — A trial is unfolding far from the spotlight in this East African town, but its outcome may one day ring out around the world. It is the trial of three journalists that focuses on the question, can freedom of speech degenerate into genocide? Or put differently, can journalism kill? According to prosecutors of the United Nations war crimes tribunal for Rwanda, the answer to both questions is a forceful yes. The three men in the dock, all former Rwandan news media executives, stand accused of genocide and incitement to genocide through their use of radio broadcasts and newspapers. Their trial is also examining the full scope of the role played by the news media in the massacre of more than 800,000 people in Rwanda in 1994. It is the first time since Julius Streicher, the Nazi publisher of the anti-Semitic weekly Der Stürmer, appeared before the Nuremberg judges in 1946 that a group of journalists stands accused before an international tribunal on such grave charges. Prosecutors have drawn stark parallels between the vitriolic campaigns against the Jews by Der Stürmer before World War II and the actions of some Rwandan media organizations before and during the 1994 slaughter of the Tutsi. At Nuremberg, the charge of genocide did not yet exist. Legal specialists believe that the outcome of the current trial may set a crucial precedent for future international cases, in particular for the permanent International Criminal Court, which is expected to open later this year to handle accusations of grave rights violations. "A key question will be what kind of speech is protected and where the limits lie," said Stephen Rapp, an American lawyer, who is the senior prosecutor in the case. "It is important to draw that line. We hope the judgment will give the world some guidance." National laws inevitably vary, and as for international legal standards, "there has been no decision since Nuremberg," Mr. Rapp said. The Allies' military court at Nuremberg, which sent Julius Streicher to the gallows, may seem far away and the Rwanda tribunal has no death sentence. But questions about the effects of hateful propaganda and whether journalists should exercise self-restraint or even self-censorship in dangerous moments are topical. "This is very much a living issue," said a judge at the Rwanda tribunal. "People have found Osama bin Laden's hate talk against Americans objectionable. So why did some American media use self-restraint or even self-censorship in his case? Clearly because there were larger values involved." The accused in what is informally called here "the media trial" are Ferdinand Nahimana and Jean- Bosco Barayagwiza, who the prosecutors say founded and controlled a Rwandan radio station and directed its news coverage, and Hassan Ngeze, a former newspaper publisher and editor. Prosecutors charge that all three were part of a well- prepared plan to use their outlets first to spread ethnic hatred and then to persuade people to kill their enemies, the Tutsi and moderate Hutu. That required demonizing the Tutsi, prosecutors said, and the media played a key role in accomplishing this. To make their case, prosecutors have armed themselves with some 50,000 documents, more than 600 audiotapes of what they say are inflammatory broadcasts from Radio Mille Collines and stacks of copies from the pictorial newspaper Kangura, peppered with vicious cartoons and nasty texts. The radio, nicknamed Radio Hate, was the mouthpiece of the extremist Hutu Power movement. At first, it addressed its Tutsi opponents with warnings like "You cockroaches must know you are made of flesh. We won't let you kill, we will kill you." But once the massacres had begun, the prosecution said, the broadcasts goaded Hutu militia groups to "go to work" and kept inciting people with messages like "the graves are not yet full." Defense lawyers have rejected the genocide charges and the defendants have pleaded not guilty. John Floyd, an American lawyer defending Mr. Ngeze, denounced the indictments as a "vulgar farce" and "dangerous stuff." "What's really on trial here is freedom of the press and intellectual freedom," he said. "These people should never have been indicted. They've already been locked up for five years. Just with these indictments, the U.N. is already defending press censorship." Other lawyers have been more circumspect, among them Jean-Marie Biju-Duval, the French defense counsel for Mr. Nahimana. In his view, the central question of the trial is, "At what point, if any, does political propaganda become criminal?" That issue, however it is defined, may soon also apply to songs. Simon Bikindi, a well known Rwandan singer, has been indicted by the tribunal on charges of genocide. Arrested in the Netherlands, where he was living, Mr. Bikindi is about to be transferred to Arusha. According to his indictment, Mr. Bikindi composed songs that helped foment fear and hatred of the Tutsi. He is also charged with joining militia gangs on their killing sprees. The media trial, one of the tribunal's high profile cases, has been going on since October 2000, plagued, as other cases here, by management problems. Its prosecutors have changed several times and it may still be months from completion. Some 40 witnesses have already been heard. Complicating matters, two of the defendants opened their own Web sites, and they are reported to have leaked some confidential court data. One defendant, Mr. Barayagwiza, a former government information official, is refusing to show up in court, although his two court-appointed lawyers are attending. He became outraged because other judges had ordered his release, ruling that the prosecution had violated his rights. But after a public outcry in Rwanda and an appeal by the prosecution, that ruling was reversed. He said he would not bother to attend a trial in a court that was politicized and biased. Prosecutors argue that their case is not about freedom or excess of the press, but about a criminal conspiracy. They say Radio Mille Collines and the newspaper Kangura were as much part of the well-prepared plan to kill Tutsi as was the creation of extremist militias and the importation and distribution of machetes well before the killing began. In Rwanda, a nation of few televisions, radio has enormous power, the prosecutors say. Witnesses told the court that once the slaughter had begun — it lasted about 100 days — Radio Mille Collines was vital in steering the militia and calling direct hits. They said the station would broadcast the names and addresses of people who were targets along with their vehicle license plates and the hiding places of refugees. "There was an FM radio on every roadblock, there were thousands of roadblocks in Rwanda," a police investigator said. He told the court that in prison interviews "many people told us they had killed because the radio had told them to kill." Mr. Rapp, the American prosecutor, said that even in the United States, with its fierce protection of freedom of speech, "if you ordered a hit, using the media, that would not be protected." He drew the analogy of a newspaper that became part of a stock fraud. In such a case, he said, "the issue is not freedom of expression but the crime of fraud." But Mr. Floyd, the American defense lawyer, insisted that "this media trial" was the "most dangerous trial I have ever been in because it may give comfort to despots in the future." The three judges trying the case, led by Navanethem Pillay of South Africa, will be looking at how hate speech is dealt with in various nations, like the United States, Germany, France and South Africa, "because there is very little precedent in the international field," according to a legal researcher. The panel is likely to study the Streicher judgment at Nuremberg, the researcher said, but also cases like the United States Supreme Court decision allowing a Nazi group to march through a Jewish neighborhood. An unusual case on the books involves a journalist in France. After World War II, the main announcer of Radio Paris, Jean Herold Paquis, was tried for committing treason with his pro-German broadcasts during the Nazi occupation. He was given the death sentence.

Zimbabwe

BBC 13 March, 2002, Mugabe wins 'rigged' Zimbabwe poll Mugabe: President since independence in 1980 Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe has won a fifth term in office amid accusations of ballot irregularities and ruling party violence. Mugabe: 1, 685,212; Tsvangirai: 1,258,401 Official turnout: 3,130,913 or 55.9% High turnout in Zanu-PF's rural strongholds Increased Zanu-PF support in some MDC strongholds including Matebeland South Election aftermath He defeated rival Morgan Tsvangirai by a substantial margin in a presidential election described by some foreign and local observers as deeply flawed and unjust. With all votes counted, Registrar-General Tobaiwa Mudede said Mr Mugabe had received about 54% of the vote, with Mr Tsvangirai getting 40%. Three minor candidates received 6% between them. The three-day election saw higher turnouts in Mr Mugabe's rural strongholds than in the towns and cities, where many faced massive delays when trying to vote - fuelling claims that opposition supporters had been intimidated and prevented from voting. Both Britain and France have rejected the election result, saying it was not free and fair. The United States says it is considering further sanctions. Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa described the outcome as a "runaway victory" for Mr Mugabe and his Zanu-PF party. Tsvangirai says Mugabe stole the vote through systematic cheating But Mr Tsvangirai alleged "daylight robbery", saying the presidential vote had been "massively rigged" and that one million voters had been disenfranchised. He added: "We have been cheated of the right to freely and democratically elect the president of our choice." "They [the people] will have to decide what to do. They are the ones who have been cheated." A spokesman for the MDC's London office called on the international community to refuse to accept the legitimacy of President Mugabe's government. South African observers declared the election "legitimate", however. Mission leader Samuel Motsuenyane blamed the difficulties faced by some voters on "administrative oversights". Most foreign and local observers have said the election was scarred by violence, deeply flawed and unjust. Security fears There are fears of a violence by opposition supporters in the aftermath of the vote. Security forces have been put on high alert and police have set up roadblocks on the main approach roads to the capital, Harare. As a young Zimbabwean studying in the UK, I am totally and utterly gutted by the result of the election Samantha Garikayi, London Click here to tell us your views Dozens of heavily armed soldiers have taken up positions around the MDC's office in Zimbabwe's second city, Bulawayo. A BBC correspondent says this clearly reflects government concern about a possible backlash if voters believe the election to have been unfair. Leading Zimbabwean journalist Basildon Peta told the BBC that people were probably waiting for a cue from their leaders before deciding what to do. "There is a lot of unhappiness among those who have been disenfranchised," said Mr Peta, who fled to South Africa fearing for his life before the vote. Sanctions call British Foreign Minister Jack Straw said Mr Mugabe was bent on achieving "one goal: power at all costs". We believe that in fact the voice of the people of Zimbabwe was not fairly heard US Assistant Secretary of State Walter Kansteiner "It is no surprise that this outcome has now been achieved." He said if evidence showed Mr Mugabe had "stolen" the election, it would have "enormous implications for the nature of our relationship with Zimbabwe." US Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Walter Kansteiner called the election flawed and said the United States would consider further sanctions against Mr Mugabe and his government. "These failed elections were a tragedy for the people of Zimbabwe," Mr Kansteiner said on a visit to South Africa. Britain and Australia led an unsuccessful call for Commonwealth sanctions against Mr Mugabe before the election because of violence during the campaign. The government says the election was free and fair The human rights organisation, Amnesty International, said it was deeply worried about almost 1,500 opposition polling station officials and independent election observers who had been detained during the election. It demanded their release, adding: "We are deeply concerned for the safety of those arrested in the light of the well-established pattern of disappearances, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment by Zimbabwean security forces." Mr Mugabe, 78, became prime minister after Zimbabwe achieved independence from Britain in 1980 and has ruled the country ever since.

BBC 13 March, 2002, Early results give Mugabe boost Mugabe faces the biggest challenge to his 22-year rule Early results in Zimbabwe's presidential elections have given President Robert Mugabe a clear though not overwhelming lead. But with over 25% of votes counted, electoral observers have condemned the voting process as neither free nor fair. The election is total confusion and chaos... there is no way these elections can be described as substantially free and fair Reginald Matchaba-Hove Election observer Some of the first constituencies to declare were in Matebeleland, in the west of the country, where President Mugabe does not traditionally enjoy much support. The BBC's Elizabeth Blunt says although the vote went against him, he did not do as badly as expected. President Mugabe did better there than his party, Zanu-PF, did in the last parliamentary election, and Morgan Tsvangirai, the leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) lost ground. In Mashonaland, President Mugabe's own home territory, he has massively increased the Zanu-PF vote, adding as many as 10,000 votes in a single constituency. Elections 'severely flawed' Our correspondent says this may be because Zanu-PF had become complacent in the past, and it is only now that they have made a real effort to get out their vote. Results so far Mugabe - 415,206 Tsvangirai - 340,217 32 of 120 districts declared Or it might be - as the opposition has alleged - that they have used their power locally to pack the voters roll with Zanu-PF supporters. Kare Vollan, the head of the largest European group of observers, from Norway, said the election was severely flawed and failed to meet international standards. Welshman Ncube said the charge against him was politically-motivated Reginald Matchaba-Hove, chairman of the Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN) - a coalition of non-governmental organisations - said: "The election is total confusion and chaos... there is no way these elections can be described as substantially free and fair." Registrar-General Tobaiwa Mudede said 3.1 million people had voted, about 55.4% of those registered. The first candidate to obtain 50% of the votes cast will be the winner. Meanwhile, a leading opposition official Welshman Ncube has been charged with treason in connection with an alleged plot to kill Mr Mugabe. 'Malicious propaganda' Thousands of soldiers and police were deployed as counting got under way on Tuesday, following a third, unscheduled, day of voting. Britain, which has been pushing for sanctions against Mr Mugabe's regime, said there was "pretty strong evidence" that President Mugabe had "stolen" the election. Mr Vollan said he estimated that thousands of people in Harare had been disenfranchised. HAVE YOU VOTED? I and many others who got to the polling station hours before the official opening of the station at 0700 only managed to vote late in the night N Musvoto, Zimbabwe Click here to tell us your experiences He said the 25 Norwegian observers had documented numerous reports of harassment and assault against opposition officials, members and supporters. In contrast, Zimbabwean Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa said that anyone criticising the election was "spreading malicious propaganda". Threat of violence Tension has been high since the polls closed following a 24-hour extension won by the MDC. Choose a link below for latest news from around the country: 1. Harare 2. Mashonaland 3. Matebeleland 4. Midlands 5. Manicaland 6. Masvingo Mr Matchaba-Hove said that "a flawed electoral process is a potential cause of conflict", and urged the public to remain calm. Anticipating an outbreak of trouble, the government positioned armed police and soldiers in cities, villages and at strategic sites in the Midlands province. Residential suburbs have been sealed off and a curfew has been imposed from 1800 local time (1600 GMT) on Tuesday. As counting began, a court in Harare charged the Secretary General of the MDC, Welshman Ncube, with treason. He had been arrested in February, along with Mr Tsvangirai and another party official, when police accused all three of treason. Mr Ncube, who was released on bail, said his arrest was an act of political desperation. "We remain firmly confident [of victory] otherwise they [the government] would not be in such a state of panic," he told the Associated Press news agency.

Washington Times 12 March 2002 Cops, vigilantes deter Zimbabwe voters By Nicole Itano THE WASHINGTON TIMES HARARE, Zimbabwe — Police and vigilantes loyal to President Robert Mugabe chased thousands of voters away from polling stations yesterday at the close of a presidential election marred by charges of fraud and intimidation. Top Stories • War on terror in 'second stage' • Senator suspects pilot alive in Iraq • House set to 'cloak' amnesty • Sharon acts threaten his coalition • U.S., Saudis freeze cash at charity • Drivers hit by gas prices The action came as the Zimbabwe High Court rejected an opposition demand that polling be extended for a fourth day. Police also detained four American diplomats, who were attempting to monitor the election, for five hours. In addition, they arrested a high-ranking official of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), the opposition party trying to unseat Mr. Mugabe. Yesterday marked the end of a chaotic three days of voting that marked the most serious challenge ever to Mr. Mugabe's 22-year presidency. Throughout the campaign, government supporters targeted MDC candidate Morgan Tsvangirai and his supporters. The election was to have ended Sunday night, but the High Court extended it for a day after hundreds of thousands of voters had yet to cast ballots. Many had waited in line for more than 48 hours since polls opened on Friday. "They chased us away," said one angry voter who refused to give his name because the police who closed the poll still lingered nearby. "I'm very angry because it is my right to vote. I want to vote." The number of polling stations in the capital of Harare, an opposition stronghold, had been slashed in what opposition leaders said was a blatant attempt to disenfranchise opposition voters. Despite the court order keeping polls open yesterday, officials delayed the opening until midday and then closed them promptly at 7 p.m. At some polls, as many as a thousand voters were still waiting to cast their votes when police shut the stations down. Overall, 2.7 million of the nation's 5.6 million registered voters, or 48 percent, cast ballots by Sunday night, the government said. The opposition said the overall turnout figures were suspect and intended to guarantee Mr. Mugabe's re-election. Police used tear gas and batons to drive away voters at at least one polling station. Shots were reportedly fired at another. But in most places crowds dispersed without incident, in some cases chanting the MDC slogan: "Change, Change, Change," as they left. Earlier in the day, Mr. Tsvangirai called on supporters to wait peacefully for an announcement of the results, which are expected late today or tomorrow. "Let us first wait peacefully for your votes to be cast and counted," he said. "As you wait for the results, do not succumb to their provocative traps. I know they are trying very hard to provoke you."

Daily News ZW Mugabe should go gracefully: Zvobgo 3/12/02 10:00:56 AM (GMT +2) Staff Reporter ZANU PF founder member Eddison Zvobgo said President Mugabe should accept blame for Zimbabwe’s mess and prepare for a dignified exit from power. “I would not want to see him living in exile,” he said, referring to Mugabe. “I would like to see him remain here in the role of an elder statesman and see Morgan going to his house for advice, the kind of role that Nelson Mandela has, a father of the nation,” he said in reference to MDC leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, expected to win a free and fair poll. “People can never say goodbye to their history.Mugabe is part of the history of this country. I would wish him well if he would accept it.” Hinting at deep rifts among the President’s political and military circle, Zvobgo told The Scotsman newspaper the party’s “official position” is that it will abide by the result of the presidential election and will not tolerate attempts to subvert it. “There are plenty of other sources who strengthen that view,” he said. “We are a democratic people. I cannot see what would be gained by any attempt to do otherwise.” He acknowledged that there could yet be an abortive coup attempt, but appeared confident that few within the armed forces would actually join it. “Even if such a thing happened and succeeded, it would not be permanent. I don’t lose sleep over that issue.” He said the only way to ensure Zimbabwe’s recovery was through the formation of a government of national unity. “People are angry,” he said. “I believe that because of the magnitude of the problems we face and also because of the squeezing and fracturing of society which these problems have caused, that a government of national unity would make matters easier. All the political energies could be harnessed towards State objectives and we would stand a great chance of being listened to sympathetically by those who have the means to help ­ the European Union, the US and so on.” Zvobgo, the highly respected chairman of the Parliamentary Legal Committee, said the government should accept blame and acknowledge that people are angry over the current economic and political mess. While Mugabe has regularly claimed that British neo-colonial interference is responsible for the state of the country, Zvobgo said: “I am not one who believes in blaming the world for the plight in which we find ourselves. Sure, some factors were beyond our control, but others were within our grasp and we either mismanaged or we hesitated and lost an opportunity. Clearly we have not finished what we set out to do.” In particular, he said, the failure to come up with an orderly and legal land redistribution scheme ­ instead of allowing the war veterans to launch sometimes bloody farm invasions ­ has caused problems. “The devil which has spoiled everything was when we decided to take land,” he said. “That was really the crunch.” He condemned attempts at driving through unconstitutional legislation as “bristling with arrows pointed at the heart of freedom. That was the crunch”. “The pack of cards started crumbling,” said Zvobgo. “I had always been aware that doing it that way would be a disaster. I spent 10 years in prison during the liberation struggle, but I didn’t go through all that personal sacrifice simply for land. “If any minister brings in a piece of legislation which is shoddy, badly-crafted, bristling with arrows pointed at the heart of freedom, my committee will have no hesitation in saying ‘No’,” he said, referring to Professor Jonathan Moyo’s Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Bill. “Information cannot be controlled. It’s like fighting the Pope. You know you could never win.” Mugabe hauls in his foes MDC official on treason charge Andrew Meldrum in Harare Wednesday March 13, 2002 The Guardian Robert Mugabe's government seems to be paving the way to crack down on anyone it regards as opposition after the results of the presidential election are declared today. The list includes independent election observers as well as opposition party officials. Amnesty International said as many as 1,400 people had been arrested in the past two days. The arrests have added to the tension as the country nervously awaits the results. Stories in the government-owned newspaper the Herald yesterday ascribed the arrests to plots by whites to "create chaos" and "disrupt the vote counting". Amnesty International and local civic groups say the government may be planning further arrests and a campaign of violence against the opposition, whether or not Mr Mugabe wins. The most prominent figure detained is Welshman Ncube, secretary general of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change. He was charged with treason, a crime punishable by death, and conspiring with the MDC's presidential candidate, Morgan Tsvangirai, to assassinate Mr Mugabe, and released on bail. "They are charging Welshman now to prepare to formally charge Tsvangirai in court, too," said Brian Raftopoulos, chairmanof the Crisis in Zimbabwe Committee. "We believe the government is planning to go after the MDC, trade union leaders, civic groups, the media." Amnesty pointed to "an emerging pattern of mass arbitrary detention" of MDC polling agents, independent election observers and activists, and to the numerous camps of Mr Mugabe's extra-legal youth militia studding the country. It was investigating reports that arms have been distributed to some members of the militia, which has been accused of several political murders and thousands of cases of torture and beatings since the beginning of the year. "If they were to get arms, as some reports suggest, it's a real cause for alarm. They are a para-military group and there doesn't seem to be much control over them. It is a big concern," Amnesty said. Among those arrested are 130 observers for the Zimbabwe Electoral Support Network, which represents 38 civic organisations. The network trained 12,500 observers but the government only accredited 400 of them. Another group picked for arrests was the Zimbabwe Citizens Support Group, which provided transport fo